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Full text of "Around the world with General Grant : a narrative of the visit of General U. S. Grant, ex-President of the United States, to various countries in Europe, Asia, and Africa, in 1877, 1878, 1879 : to which are added certain conversations with General Grant on questions connected with American politics and history"

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General Grant: 

A Narrative of the Visit of General U. S. Grant, ]';x-President 

OF THE United States, to various Countries in 

Europe, Asia, and Africa, in 

1877, 1878, 1879. 


Certain Conversations with General Grant on Questions 
connected with american politics and history. 






The American News Company. 



By The American News Compaity. 

»0«« : J. I. LITTLt 4 CO.. MiNTtm. 
I« TO ■« A»TO» ^L*C5. 

Madam : 

Two years ago to-day we embarked at Ville Franche for 
Italy, Egypt, the Holy Land, Asia Minor, and the islands of the 
Mediterranean — a journey that in time was to extend around the 
world. In closing my narrative of that journey I recall many 
events which will live with the history of our time, many days 
of pageantry and splendor, many scenes of beauty, antiquity, 
and renown. I am conscious that my printed chronicle will ap- 
pear feeble and cold to one who saw what I have endeavored 
to describe. But to have had the honor of telling that story, 
even in a barren fashion, to have been the companion of yourself 
and your illustrious husband, I regard as a supreme privilege. 
Now that my work is done, and our journey around the world 
becomes a memory, I dwell on nothing with more pleasure than 
that grace, kindness, and courtesy, that consideration for all, 
which was ever present to every member of our party, and 
which brightened many a weary hour of travel. As a token 
of my grateful remembrance I dedicate to you, Madam, this 
work, and ask you to accept it as a tribute of my friendship and 

With great respect. 

Your sincere friend, 

John Russell Young. 

New York, December 13, 1879. 


nHE circumstances under which this work has been compiled are so 
apparent in the narrative, that it is hardly worth while for me to 
write a preface. But one or two facts may be of interest. It was 
not with any purpose of writing a book that I accompanied General 
Grant in his recent travels. That suggestion was made to me during the prog- 
ress of our journey. 

It was my intention to have completed this narrative on my return to the 
United States. The fact, however, that various publishing concerns in this 
country — half a dozen, I should think — began at once, upon learning of the 
intention of the American News Company to print this book, to issue rival 
editions, based upon letters and dispatches of mine printed in the Netu York 
Herald, compelled my own publishers to print the early parts of the first 
volume before my return. The compilation and arrangement of seven of the 
chapters in the first volume devolved, under the circumstances, upon others, 
to whom I desire to express my thanks. I refer to Chapters XII., XIII., 
XIV., XVI., XVII., XVIII., and XXII. The substance of these chapters 
was embraced in the correspondence to the Herald— Vnt arrangement of the 
book is that of Mr. C. R. Parsons. With this slight exception, the work, as it 
now goes to the reader, is entirely my own. 

I have embodied, in various parts of this work, memoranda of certain con- 
versations with General Grant concerning history and politics ; also, in some 
instances — where it could be done without offending — conversations that took 
place between General Grant and some of the famous men whom he came to 
know. Wherever I have ([uoted General Grant, as expressing an opinion, I 
have asked his permission to do so ; and, in fact, he has in most instances 
obliged me by revising the proof-sheets. This revision, however, applies only 
to those portions of the te.xt where General Grant himself is quoted. For all 
the rest I alone am responsible. 

I am also under many obligations to my old friend M. C. Hart, for having 
taken care of the proof-sheets of those parts of the work that appeared before 
my return to the United States. To James Gordon Bennett, the editor and 
proprietor of the Neiii York Herald— wwAnx whose auspices the journey was 
made — I am indebted for permission to use, in the preparation of the work, the 
letters I wrote for the Herald. I have only partially taken advantage of his 
kindness, as a large part of what is now printed appears for the first time. 

J. R. Y. 




India 3 

Hindoo Bazaar — The Taj — The Maharajah of Jeypore — Jeypore — Our Firsi Ele- 
phant Ride — Visit to the Palace. 

India 38 

Bhiirtpoor — Tlie Maharajah of Bhurtpoor — Akbar — Futtelipoor Sikra — Delhi — 
The Mosque. 

India 65 

Lucknow — The East India Company — The Mutiny — The Siege of Delhi — British 
Justice — Massacre of .Sepoys. 

India 98 

Benares — Travel in India — Visit to the Holy Temples — The Religion of India. 

India 122 

The Jungle — Tiger Hunting — Pig-Sticking — A Man-Eater — Antelope Hunting. 

India 1-55 

Calcutta — Excursion to the Viceroy's — Picnic under the Banyan Tree — Education 
in India — Departure from India. 


Conversations with General Grant — Burmah 150 

How the Conversations were Written — The Veto of the Inflation Bill — Financial 
Questions — The Transcontinental Canal — The Eastern Question — Bismarck 
and Oambetta — Mexico and Napoleon — England and the Confederacy — 
England and America — Burmah — Rangoon. 



The Straits of Malacca J84 

Elephants at Work— Penang— The Town of Malacca— Singapore— British Domina- 
tion — The Malay — Life in the Tropicis — Conversation with tlie General — 
Reminiscences of the War. 

SiAM 218 

The Gulf of Siam — Bangkok — Reception at Suranrom — Interview with the Ex- 
Regent — The Government — An Audience with the King — A Stale Dinner — 
The Royal Elephants — Leaving Siam. 

Cochin-China — Conversations with General Grant 262 

Honesty in Public Life — Civil Service Reform — The Democratic Party — The 
Electoral Commission — The Presidency — The Canvass of 1876 — Cabinet 
Appointments — The Alabama Treaty — Cochin-China — Saigon. 

Conversations with General Grant — Hong-Kong 286 

Relieving Rosecrans — Unfortunate Generals — General Sherman's Book — General 
Sherman's Character — General Thomas — General Sheridan — Meade and 
Sedgwick — A Critical Time in the War — A Crisis — Admiral Porter — Arriving 
at Hong-Kong. 

China 311 

Canton — A Special Honor — A State Visit to the Viceroy — A Chinese Crowd — The 
Streets of Canton — Visits of Ceremony — A Chinese State Banquet. 

China — Conversations with General Grant 346 

Macao — A Banquet at Hong-Kong — Leaving Hong-Kong — Amoy — Requisite of a 
Successful General — Lincoln's Character — ^Sheridan and the Battle of Five 
Forks — Secretary Stanton — Tl)e Southern Question — Arrival at Shanghai. 

China 37 , 

Li Hung Chang — The Viceroy's Banquet — Tientsin — Our Journey up the Peiho — 
Boating on the Peiho — Night on the River — The Procession to Pekin — Arrival 
at Pekin. 


China — Conversations with Prince Kunc and the Viceroy of 
Tientsin 401 

A Diplomatic Question — The Reception at the Yamen— Prince Kung— General 
Grant as a Mediator— Pekin and Tientsin — A Notable Dinner Party — The 
Ladies' Reception at the Viceroy's — Farewell to the Viceroy. 



Leaving China— Conversations with General Grant 434 

The Great Wall — Chefoo — A Midnight Salute — The General's Opinion of China 
— After the War — The Duty of a Soldier — The Presidency. 

Conversations with General Grant — Arrival in Japan 454 

The Surrender of Lee — Lee as a General — Jefferson Davis — Army of the Potomac 
— Ingalls and Halleck — Frank Blair — Shiloh — Nagasaki — First Impressions — 
Official Courtesies — The Landing. 


Japan 484 

An Historical Dinner — The Inland Sea — A Dinner on Shipboard — Hiogo — Sumida 
Bay — An Old Japanese Town. 

Japan 520 

Landing at Yokohama — Arrival at Tokio — Impressions of Tokio— The Japanese 
Cabinet — Received by the Emperor — A Military Review — Enriokwan — Palace 
Life — Conversation with the Emperor — The Loochoo Question — Progress of 

Japan 552 

Our Journey to Nikko — lyeyas, the Lawgiver — The Loochoo Question — A The- 
atrical Performance — Festival at Uyeno — The Mikado — The Future of Japan 
— Popular Fete to the General. 

Japan 576 

Going Home — " Old Blue " — Our Last Days in Japan — 1 he General's Advice to 
the Japanese— The Billiard-room at Enriokwan — Last Days in Tokio — Dinner 
at Mr. Yoshida's — Prince Dati's Dinner to the General — Dinner on the " Rich- 
mond" — Visit to the Imperial Palace — Farewell to the Emperor — Farewell to 


Conversations with General Grant — Home Again 614 

The Vicksburg Campaign — General Peraberton — Lee's Blunder — San Francisco — 
The Yoseraite. 




Map of the World 7- ■^^ ^'•'"'Z'- 

Street in Cordova //■/'• SAare. 

Entering Agra 

Village— India f- B. Sclicll. 


Our Camel Carriages at Bhiirlpoor Schcll ^^ Hogan. 

On the Ganges I-'. B. Scluil. 

The Sacred Jumna 

The Castle of Barwa Sagur 

Coaling at Singapore 

Macao F. B. Schell. 

Near Canton 


Fire in Tokio 

Near Nikko F. B. Schell. 

Surrender of Lee W. L. Shepard. 

Central Japan C. R. Pa) sons. 

Audience with the Emperor W. 7'. Smedley. 

Between Decks on the Steamship " Tokio " 

The Arrival at San Francisco J. 0. Davidson. 

The Yosemite Valley F. B. Schell. 


Fisk iSr' See. 

G. F. Smilh. 

J. Metcalfe. 

J. IV. Lauderlmch. 

//. M. Snyder. 

G. F. Smilh. 

A'. Orr &- Co. 

//. A/. Snyder. 

J. Rea. 

y. Welch. 

H. C. Schii'arzbtirger. 

R. M. Smart. 

H. C. Schwarzhttrger. 

7 Welch. 

//. C. Schwarzhurger, 

y. Filmer. 

N. Orr iy Co. 

S. B. Casey. 

y. WeUh. 

.4. Measom. 




3. Our Residence at Jeypore /'. B. Schell. 

3. Initial Letter 

5. Mr. Borie with the Merchants //. P. Share. 

9. Palace of the Maharajah C. E. J/. Bonvetl. 

12. Carriage of Hindoo Lady 

17. The Taj of Agra A.C. IVanyn. 

20. The Maharajah of Jeypore Photoi;raph. 

23. Our First Elephant Ride 

25. Journey to Palace of Amber 

2g. View from Palace of Amber /". B. Se/u/L 

31. Indian Grain Carts 

35. Nautch Girls' Dance Schell i- llogaii. 

3.S. Bhurtpoor " " 

38. Initial Letter 

40. The Old Palace at Bhurtpoor 

43. Futtehpoor Sikra P. B. Schell. 

40. Our Residence at Futtehpoor Schell if Ilogan. 

4y- Delhi p. B. Schell. 

52. The Kutab Tower " " 

55. The Humayun Tomb ■/. C. Warren. 

59. ' The Jumna Mesjid 

fi2. Interior of Palace 

65. Street in Lucknow 

65. Initial Letter 

67. The Conjurer //./>. Share. 

70. The Martiniire /'. B. Schell. 

73. The Egg Dance 

7(). In Lucknow P. B. Schell. 

78. Grain Boats on the Ganges 

8 1 . The Inambara 

85. Scene of Siege of Lucknow Ben. Day. 

8S. The Ghat at Cawnpore C. K. Parsons. 

91. A Bidree Worker, Lucknow 

94. Village near Lucknow Schell &= Ilt'i;an. 

98. Benares 


y. IV. Lauderbach. 

J. Metcalfe, 
.i. T. Ctizner. 
J. Welch. 
J. //. Hoey. 
J. T. Nichols. 
//. M. Snyder. 
G. M. Pay. 
W. Mollier. 
If, Leman. 
S. B. Casey. 
J. W. Lauderbach. 

I., /layman. 
A*. Af. Smart. 
.1. Ilaynian. 
H. M. Snyder. 
T. D. Siigdcn. 
C. Edmonds, 
y. Pea. 

II. M. Snyder. 
P. Schoonmaker. 

.V. Orr. 

M. 0' Boyle. 

y. W. Lauderbach. 

.\'. Orr. 

O. Mulct. 

Ben. Day. 

A. Measom. 

y. T. Nichols. 

G. P. .Smith. 

y. Poster. 



PACE. *'<T^''*T- 

g8. Initial Letter 

loo. Cocoa-nut Trees 

103. Visit to the Temple H. P. Share. 

106; Worship in the Temple 

110. Serpent Charmer 

113. On the Ganges 

116. Street in Benares 

I ig. Bathing Place, Benares 

122. Antelope Hunting 

122. Initial Letter 

125. Tiger Hunting 

127. Col. Grant's Pig-sticking Excursion 

130. Bringing Home the Game 

132. The Tiger 

135. Calcutta A. C. Warren. 

135. Initial Letter 

138. Our Entrance into Calcutta 

141. Government House Schell &^ Hogan. 

144. Water-carriers 

147. Picnic under the Banyan Tree Schell or' Hogaii. 

149. Low Castes 

150. On the Simla 

150. Initial Letter 

152. The Hoogly River F. B. Schell. 

155. A Chat with the General If. P. Share. 

158. In a Buddhist Temple " " 

l6o. Our Residence in Rangoon 

162. Signal Pagoda, Rangoon 

165. A Burmese Play 

16S. The Grand Pagoda F. B. Schell. 

171. A Knowing Elephant 

173. Athletic Sports 

176. The Mergui Archipelago //. Fenn. 

178. A Burmese Beauty Ben. Day. 

180. Street in Rangoon F. B. Scliell. 

182. Life in the Tropics C. H. Parsons. 

184. Elephants Hauling Lumber 

184. Initial Letter 

186. In the Tropics H. Fenn. 

188. Killing Time 

190. A Street in Penang F. B. Schell. 

193. Near Malacca T. Moran. 

196. A Chinese Junk 

199. Singapore A. C. iVarren. 

201 . Tropical Foliage 

204. A Chinese Fruit Girl 

206. A Street Cobbler 

208. A Chinese Home, Singapore 

211. On the Malay Peninsula .... T. Moran. 

213. An Orchestra 

215. A Street Cab 

218. Bangkok F. B. .Schell. 


G. M. Foy. 
S. B. Casey. 
R. Stewart, 
y. T. Nichols. 
S. B. Casey. 
J. Rea. 
y. H. Hoey. 
W. Mollur. 

S. B. Casey. 
y. H. Hoey. 
y. Rea. 

0. Mulet. 

y. IV. Lauderhach. 
O. MuUt. 
T. L. Smart, 
y. H. Hoey. 
C. Edmonds. 

H. M. Snyder, 
y. //. Hoey. 

y. H. Brightly. 

G. M. Foy. 

y. H. Brightly. 

T. L. Smart. 
0. MuUt. 

W. Mollier. 

Ben. Day. 
y. IV. Lauderbach. 
M. C. Myers, 
y. T. Nichols. 

S. B. Casey. 
H. M. Snyder. 
E. Bookhout. 
H. M. Snyder. 
C. Edmonds. 
//. M. Snvder. 

H. Lenian. 

H. C. Schtuarzburger. 



G. M. Foy. 

G. F. Smith. 
Ben. Day. 


2l8. Initial Letter 

220. The Menam River 

222. The Audience Hall, Bangkok 

225. The .Siamese Prime Minister 

227. The Famous Pagoda 

229. The Beautiful Gate of the Temple 

231. The Tombs of Wat-Chang 

234. Our Residence at Bangkok F. B. Schcll. 

236. The Royal Invitation to Dinner Ben. Day. 

238. Reception of Gen. Grant by the King " " " " 

240. The King of Siam Photograph. J. Rea. 

242. .Siamese Lady of Rank 

244. The Royal Gardens, Siam F. B. Schell. R. M. Smart. 

248. Siamese Ladies at Dinner 0. Mulet. 

251. Siamese Actor and Actress 

254. A Siamese Home 

256. Ruins of Ancient City of Ayuthia C. R. Parsons. W. McCracken. 

258. A Siamese of the Lower Class 

260. A Nurse and Baby 7". ]W S^tian. 

262. A Wedding Ceremony S. L. Bancker. 

■ib-i. Initial Letter 

264. A Buffalo Cart O. Mulet. 

267. Map of China J. S. Kemp. Fisk &^ See. 

269. A Chinese Farm-house C. R. Parsons. N. Orr &^ Co. 

271. A Woman and Child 

274. Celestial Theatricals Smart. 

277. A Street Fortune-teller 

280. The Environs of Saigon W. C. Fitter. H. M. Snyder. 

283. Chinese Barbers J. H. Hoey. 

286. Hong-Kong H. M. Snyder. 

286. Initial Letter 

289. Street in Hong-Kong J. Rea. 

292. Tea Farm near Hong-Kong C. R. Parsons. M. C. Myers. 

294. The Chinese Congue 

296. A Boys' School S. R. Bancker. 

298. A Toy Merchant 

302. One of the Upper Class 

305. Taking in Cargo S. B. Casey. 

308. Natural Ornaments 

311. The Foreign Settlement, Canton W. Mollier. 

311. Initial Letter 

313. Street in Canton y. Pea. 

316. Bulletin Announcing Arrival of Gen. Grant.. J. H. Hoey. 

319. Canal, Canton C. R. Parsons. J. IV. Lauderhach. 

322. A School-boy 

325. A Chinese Fortune-teller J- H. Nichols. 

328. Pan-Ting-Qua's Garden, Canton Smart. 

330. Canton Boat Girl 

332. An Aristocratic Foot Ben. Day. Ben. Day. 

334. The Procession to the Viceroy's W. H. Davenport. W. Mollier. 

336. Ancient Bridge near Canton C. R. Parsons. R. M. Smart. 

338. A Chinese Family //. Leman. 












A Chinese Maiden 

Sorting Tea 

Gambling al Macao 

Initial Letter 

Canal and Pagoda near Shanghai C. R. Parsons. 

Opium Smokers 

A Street Cab, Shanghai 

A Chinese Punch and Judy 

The Rain Coat 

Amoy f-^- ^(It'-ll- 

A Chinese Lady 


A Chinese Inn 

1 lentsin 

Initial Letter 

A Street Stall 


Our Journey up the Peiho C. K. Parsons. 

Watering the Rice Fields Ben. Day. 

Going to Market 

The Western Gate, Pakin 

Bridge near Pekin C. R. Parsons. 

Pekin Newsboy 

Ruins of the Summer Palace F. B. Schell. 

The Toilet 

A Street in Pekin W. T. Filler. 

The Temple of Heaven 

Initial Letter 

The Audience with the Emperor 

Conveying Prisoners to the Lock-up 

Interview with Prince Kung W. H. Davenport. 

Col. Frederick D. Grant Photograph. 

Chinese Porters 

Death in the Cage 

The Palace, Pekin F. B. Schell. 

The Lesson 

The Dance at the Viceroy's //. P. Share. 

Chinese Ladies 

Returning from the Viceroy's 

The Ming Tomb 

Initial Letter 

An Idol out of Repair 

A Morning Walk //. P. Share. 

The Great Wall of China 

The Children on the Shore W. T. Stnedley. 

A Chinese Physician 

Farewell to China y. 0. Davidson. 

A Close Shave " " 

Nagasaki F. B. Sehell. 

Initial Letter 

Inner Harbor, Nagasaki " " 

The Jinrickshaw 


J. Pea. 

P. M. Smart. 

S. B. Casey. 

N. Orr !r Co. 

y. IV. Lauderbcuh. 
y. T. Nichols. 
If. M. Snyder. 

G. F. Smith. 
Ben. Day. 

O. Mulct. 

ff'm. McCrackcn. 

T. L. Smart. 

S. L. Bander. 

y. Pea. 

y. It'. Lauderhaeli. 

S. B. Casey. 

T. IV. S7i'an. 
S. B. Casey. 

y. H. Hoey. 
T. W. Swan. 
O. Leonhardl. 

A. Measom. 

//. C. Sehwarzhurger. 

P. M. Smart. 

H. M. Snyder. 
S. B. Casey. 




462. Temple of Buddha, Nagasaki W. C. Filler. 

464. Foreign Settlement of Nagasaki " " 

467. A Street in the Suburbs /". B. Schell. 

469. The Story of Lee's Surrender //. P. Share. 

472. Japanese Girl 

474. Street and Temple, Nagasaki " " 

477. The Progress of Civilization 

47y. Village near Nagasaki F. B. Schell. 

482. Tea Garden, Nagasaki " " 

485. A Japanese Family at Dinner 

485. Initial Letter 

486. Cliildren Dancing W. 7'. Smedlcy, 

488. A Japanese Mother Ben. Day. 

490. Traveling in the Kago 

493. The Temple of Asaxa W. C. Filler. 

496. Japanese Musicians 

49S. A Country Road F. B. Schell. 

501 . Visit to Hiogo 

504. Mail Courier Ben. Day. 

507. Out for a Ride H. P. Share. 

510. A Peddler W. T. Smedley. 

513. Japanese Firemen 

516. A Village on the Coast F. B. Schell. 

518. Writing under Difficulties H. P. Share. 

520. The Harbor of Yokohama W. C. Filler. 

520. Initial Letter 

522. The Arrival at Yokohama 

525. The Mikado's Grounds F. B. Schell. 

527. Street in Yokohama 

529. The Hamogarten " " 

532. Worshiping the Mikado's Photograph 

535. Tokio W. C. Filler. 

538. A Japanese Village F. B. Schell. 

541. Street in Tokio W. C. Filler. 

544- Night 

547. Morning 

550. Our Life at Enriokwan H. P. Share. 

552, A Street in Nikko A. C. Warren. 

552. Initial Letter 

554. In the Garden, Nikko F. B. Schell. 

556. A Japanese Theater 

559. General Grant and Prince Dati in Streets of 

Tokio Ben. Day. 

561. Temple of the First Soigon A. C. Warren. 

565. Meeting the Emperor in the Summer House. W. H. Davenport. 

568. The Falls of Hong-Toki F. B. Schell. 

571. Japanese Ladies 

573. The Fish Market at Tokio H. P. Share. 

576- Street in Tokio W. C. Filler. 

576. Initial Letter 

578. Imaichi F. d. Schell. 

581. A Japanese Bed 


C. Edmonds. 
W. H. McCuly. 
N. Orr 6^ Co. 
7. //. Noey. 

O. Mukl. 
G. F. Smith. 
T. L. Smart. 
O. Millet. 

7. T. Nichols. 
Ben. Day. 
O. Mukl. 
S. L. Bancker. 
A. T. Citzner. 
W. McCrackcn. 
T. W. Swan. 
Ben. Day. 
M. C. Myers. 
S. B. Casev. 
H. M. Snyder. 
M. C. Myers. 
0. Leonhardt. 
C. Edmonds. 

O. Mulct. 
T. L. Smart. 
T. W. S'wan. 
T. D. Sugden. 
H. H. Miller. 
y. M. I'anness. 
P. M. Smart. 
E. Halsev. 

7. Filmer. 

R. M. Smart. 
7. Filmer. 

Ben. Day. 
T. W. Szoan. 
7. Metcalfe. 
H. M. Snyder. 
7. T. Nichols. 
R. Stewart. 
T. L. Smart. 

II. C. Schwarzburger. 




584. After "Old Blue " W. H. Davenport. 

588. A Japanese Beauty Ben. Day. 

591. A Mountain Inn IV. C. filler. 

594. The Potters at Enriokwan IV. T. Smedley. 

596. Bronze Idol, Hakone Ben. Day. 

598. Falls near Hakone jf. T. Murphy. 

602. Japanese Bonzes Ben. Day. 

606. The Dinner at Mr. Yoshida's tl. P. S/tare. 

608. A Japanese Shoemaker 

610. Airing the Little Ones W. T. Smedley. 

612. Farewell to Japan y. 0. Davidson. 

614. Sentinel Rocks, Yosemite T. Moran. 

614. Initial Letter 

618. On the Pacific J. O. Davidson. 

622. Bridal Veil Fall, Yosemite T. Moran. 

626. General Grant and the School Children at 

Oakland H. P. Share. 

629. One of the Big Trees T. Moran. 


y. H. Hoey. 
Ben. Day. 
T. L. Smart. 
S. B. Casey. 
Ben. Day. 
M. C. Myers. 
Ben. Day. 
E. Heinemann. 

y. Hoey. 

H. M. Snyder. 


H. M. Snyder. 

y. IV. Lauderbach. 

E. Clement. 






UR stay in Agra was short, but it would have been 
impossible to have left India without seeine the 
Taj. This building is said to be the most beautiful 
in the world. As we came into Agra in the early 
the familiar lines of the Taj — familiar from study of 
pictures and photographs — loomed up in the morning air. 
You have a view of the building for some time before enter- 
ing the city. The first view was not impressive, and as we 
looked at the towers of the Taj, and the white marble walls 
that reflected the rays of the rising sun, it seemed to be a 
beautiful building as a temple, and no more. Perhaps the long 
night ride may have had something to do with our indifference 
to art, for the ride had been severe and distressine, and it was 
pleasant to find any shelter and repose. The General and 




Mrs. Grant went to the house of Mr. Laurence, the nephew of 
Lord Laurence, and a member of one of the ruHng famijies of 
India. The remainder of the party found quarters in a liotel, 
the only one I believe in the place, a straggling, barn-like 
building, or series of buildings, over which an American flag 
was flying. Indian hotel life is not the best way of seeing 
India, as most travelers in passing through the country are 
entertained in private houses, bungalows of the officials, mess 
quarters of the officers, or missionary stations. The Agra hotel 
seemed to have been built for the millennium, when all shall be 
good and crime unknown. There were no gates or windows, 
no doors — all was open. The rooms all ran into one another, 
and the boarders seemed to live on a principle of association. I 
never knew who was the landlord, never saw a servant in au- 
thority. Everybody seemed to keep the hotel, and when you 
wanted anything you simply went and took it. Mr. Borie was 
accommodated with an apartment on the ground floor ; the • 
others quartered above him. 

After dressing we called on our friend and found him sur- 
rounded by all the merchants of the town. The moment a Sa- 
hib comes to Agra the whole town comes to see him, and opens 
a bazaar at his door, and sits there all day with carbuncles, gar- 
nets, sandal-wood, arms, mosaics, photographs. If you walk 
across the way to breakfast, you are the center of a chattering 
group who force their wares upon you, and if you give them 
any encouragement, by which I mean if you do not inflict upon 
them personal violence, which none of us were disposed to do, 
they will invade your chamber and nestle at your bedside as you 
sleep. The forte of the Hindoo is patience, and he believes 
that if he waits you will buy. So when you tell your merchant 
you do not want anything, that you have resolved to buy noth- 
ing, that you have no money, he calmly sits on his haunches 
and waits. If you make a small purchase for charity's sake, on 
the principle of giving a shilling to an organ-grinder to get rid 
of him, it only gives the merchant courage and his friends cou- 
rage, and they all come and wait. You sit down in your room 
to read or write, and look up. There is a bearded Moslem 


with a handful of sabers, which he says are from Nepaul. You 
drive him away, and in a moment there is another phantom, a 
smiHn's;!;- Hindoo, who folds his hands and makes a salam, and 


unless you reach out for a bootjack or some more serious wea- 
pon, will unroll from his belt a bundle of precious stones. There 
is no escaping the merchants, and I am ashamed to confess that 
whenever we were sorely pressed we sent them to Mr. Borie, 


who was the purchasing member of the party, and never impa- 
tient with the merchants, always finding amusement in trymg 
to open conversation and in examining their slender stocks of 


The propensity of the native mind to barter and sale is 
amusing. The impression among the inhabitants of the coun- 
try, as you go from place to place, is that you have come to buy. 
The moment it is known that a Sahib is in town all the peddlers 
and the merchants from the bazaars come to your lodging- 
place, and encamp on the veranda or under the trees on the 
lawn, bringing their stuffs and trinkets. They sit like a besieg- 
ing army and do not move ; sit all day chattering and waiting. 
The purchasing members of our party are Mrs. Grant and Mr. 
Borie, and as we come in from a drive or a walk in the cool of 
the evening, we are apt to find Mr. Borie sitting with a swarm 
of peddlers around him, calmly inspecting the jewels, the silks, 
the silver, and the gold. Mrs. Grant's ideas of purchasing are 
affected by her sympathies, and her disposition to pay the ped- 
dlers more than they ask, because they look so poor and so 
thinly clad. Mr. Borie's ideas of merchandise are based upon 
the rules which governed trade when he was a Philadelphia 
merchant, and what troubles him is the elastic quality of trade 
in India, and the absence of a rule as to one price. He lays 
down this principle of business economy with emphasis to his 
Hindoo friends, and I have no doubt it would bear good fruit ii 
they understood him. The want of an English valuation has 
prevented the peddlers from comprehending several maxims of 
business advice, which no one is more capable of giving than 
our friend. But a fixed price would take away all the charm 
of trading to a Hindoo. The bazaar is his life. It is to him 
what the exchange, the church, the theater, the coffee-house, 
and the club are to the Saxon. He goes to the bazaars to be 
amused and informed. All the gossip of India floats through 
the bazaars. The professional story-tellers — the comedians of 
Indian life — tell him stories, or read from the ancient books, or 
recite the deeds of their ancestors, or tell him what the stars 
have in store for him. Prophecy, astrology, and omens have a 


meaning, and in anxious days, when there is peril or mutiny- 
in the land, sedition or treason will flash through India from 
bazaar to bazaar. When we come to a new place our servants 
are always impatient until they have leave to go to the bazaars, 
ostensibly for food, but really to hear all about the town. The 
Government of India knows the feeling of the people from no 
other source so clearly as from the spies who report the gossip 
of the bazaars. 

So if Mr. Borie were to succeed in planting his sound busi- 
ness principles of ready cash and fixed prices in India, it would 
destroy the poetry of trade. To the native mind the charm of 
trade is dickering. It amuses him and brings all his faculties 
into play, and is also an amusement to the crowd who come 
and sit around on their haunches and watch the proceedings, as 
at home a mob would watch a boxing-match. Havmg taken 
your estimate the battle begins warily, for the Hindoo is an 
ingenious, nimble creature, and will not lose his trout at the first 
nibble. If you are skilled in Indian bartering, the moment a 
price is named your true tone is one of astonishment, anger, 
grief; and if you have a cane raise it, as though your indig- 
nation was roused to such a pitch that it was with difficulty 
you could be persuaded from taking summary vengeance on a 
peddler who would presume to insult your understanding by 
asking such a price for garnets or shawls. When a trade 
opens in this way the sport is sure to be fine, and the bazaars 
are hopeful of a good day. But none of us were up to this, 
and our purchases began in a slow, plaintive way, until Kas- 
sim was called in as interpreter, and then the trade took a 
poetic turn. Kassim's cue was despair, and from despair to 
anger. He began with a remonstrance to the dealers upon the 
sin and madness of such a charge. Then he appealed to their 
religion. Taking out a silver rupee, and pointing to the head 
of the Queen and the imperial superscription, he asked the 
dealer whether he would swear that his wares were worth what 
was asked. This suggestion led to loud clamors, in which both 
parties took part, the voices rising higher and higher, and the 
spectators coming in to swell the chorus, until all that was left 


was to sit in patience until the chorus ended. I never saw any 
trader swear on the rupee. I am told that there is some spell 
attached to the oath on the rupee ; that a false oath would be 
perjury, and the native avoids the vow. All you can do is to 
sit and look on. You may jog your servant, and tell him you 
are in a hurry, and ask him to bring the negotiation to a close ; 
you may even express a desire, if time is an object, to pay all 
that is asked. It makes no difference. You are in the waves 
of the negotiation and they bear you sluggishly on and on. 
The laws of the trade cannot be broken. There is so much 
comfort in the whole business — to your Hindoo interpreter, 
who is at home in his bazaar ; to the merchant, who has his 
hook in your gills and is simply testing your pulling power, 
and also the crowd around — that you in time become a specta- 
tor yourself and enter into the amusement of the transaction 
and watch it as a curious phase of Indian manners. As a mat- 
ter of observation the merchant seems to really ask about thirty 
per cent, more than he will take eventually. I have seen a 
good many abatements in the course of those small trades, but 
rarely more than thirty per cent. 

Mr. Borie's well-ordered mercantile mind was so disturbed 
by these violations of sound business maxims in his purchases 
of bangles, garnets, jewels, cloths, laces, and shawls that it 
was with a sense of relief he discovered one honest merchant, 
who lived on the main street, and who bid us welcome to 
his bazaar with the assurance that he always charged one 
price, and had sold rampose chuddahs to Lord Lytton and 
the Prince of Wales. The honest merchant whom Mr. Borie 
discovered lived in a second story, up a narrow pair of stone 
steps, which you had to reach through a courtyard. Sig- 
nals of our coming had been sent, for we found the estab- 
lishment in a fluttering state, Hindoos in various stages of de- 
light meeting us as we came. The proprietor was a smooth- 
faced Brahmin, in a blue, flowing robe, with a bland, smiling 
face, who spoke English enough for us not to understand him. 
By dint of pantomime, and now and then a noun asserting itself 
and the aid of one or two clerks who knew English, we man- 


aged to open negotiations. The merchant sat on a cushion on 
the floor, not resigned to fate, in Moslem fashion, leaving all 
things in the hands of Providence, knowing that what would be 
would be, and that it was not for mere men to try and change 
the decrees of Allah, but was eager, receptive, and conversed 
generally upon his honesty. Taking from his breast a packet 
of papers, we found them letters from various exalted people 
commending his merchandise. Some were from Americans — 


Mr. Cadwalader, Mr. Seward, and others. Then he told us he 
was a very good man and had saved money — some lacs of 
rupees. All this while servants were bringing in stuffs and 
throwing them around the floor. Other servants brought in 
trays laden with sweetmeats, among which I recall a candied 
mango, which was pleasant and new. Then champagne came 
in, and we began to feel as if we were at a fancy ball or some 
public entertainment, and not an afternoon visit to a shop. Mr. 
Borie commended the merchant for the sound business princi- 
ples he had enunciated, which, he continued, were the funda- 

mental elements of all success in business, and without which 
there could be no real prosperity. Looking over the various 
treasures strewn around, he intimated a fear that he might not 
be able to buy them. Then the merchant, with captivating 
tact, offered to sell Mr. Borie all the goods he wanted on credit, 
and if our friend was in need of money he would give him ten 
or twenty thousand rupees until he reached Calcutta or New 
York. To these courtesies and assurances Mr. Borie listened 
with beaming eyes, rejoiced to see sound business principles in 
India, and to know that his name was one which even in the 
farthest East was a spell to conjure up rupees. 

Then the merchant told us of his family life, his wife and his 
children, sitting on his cushion all the time and looking at us 
with his smooth, bland, smiling face. I said that I had heard 
that a rampose chuddah was so soft that you could draw it 
through a ring, and expressed a desire to see the experiment. 
"Oh, yes," he said; "there are some that could be drawn 
through a ring." Mr. Borie was about to take a ring from his 
finger, but the merchant had one brought — a large ring, I 
observed, that might have held the signet of Goliath. A 
shawl was brought and the operation began. First the mer- 
chant tried, twisted and untwisted, pulled and pulled. Then 
assistants tried, pulling and twisting until the perspiration came 
in beads, the merchant saying all the time that one of the 
advantages of the rampose chuddah was that you could pull 
it throuofh a ring:. In about a half hour the shawl came 
through, leaving the whole party in a panting condition, as 
though they had been running with a fire-engine. At intervals 
some curious bit of work would turn up, and attract Mr. Borie's 
attention, and be thrown on a pile. In this way business was 
done — autobiography, sleight-of-hand, sweetmeats, champagne, 
and cigarettes. Then, when the conversation lulled, our mer- 
chant would tell us how honest he was, and never sold but at 
one price, in which resolution Mr. Borie confirmed him, from the 
results of his own ample and notable experience. Now and 
then, if a suggestion was made that something was too dear, 
the merchant would fold his hands and bow, and say he would 


have other articles opened of lesser value, but he had only 
one price. So our afternoon passed away, and when we re- 
turned home Mr. Borie expressed himself pleased with his day's 
visit, that it was really one of the most satisfactory days he had 
known in India, and that no one but a merchant could know the 
comfort it was to buy and sell at fixed prices. It did not change 
Mr. Borie's opinions in the least, but gave him a more extended 
view of the Indian character when he learned, a few days later, 
that there was no merchant in India more disposed to dicker 
than this tradesman, and that if he had bought his goods on 
Indian principles the afternoon would have passed just as 
pleasantly, and they would have cost him at least twenty per 
cent, less than was paid for them. 

Agra contains only one monument, and the remains of a 
beautiful palace now used as a fort. When the descendants of 
the great house of Tamerlane overran India, Agra was among 
the cities which they captured. It was in the seventeenth cen- 
tury one of the wealthy cities of India, a rendezvous for Indian 
and Persian merchants. Akbar, who reigned in the sixteenth 
century, and was among the greatest of the Moguls, gave Agra 
its grandeur. He built his palace, which is now the fort. What 
it must have been in the time of the emperor we may imagine 
from what we see at Jeypore, where the Maharajah still reigns 
and lives in Oriental splendor. No modern palace can give 
you an idea of what these royal residences must have been in 
their day. Royal life now is not what it was under the great 
kings. A Mogul kept about him thousands of retainers. A 
palace was a fort, a barracks, a home for the sovereign, his 
harem, his ministers, and his nobility. You can understand, then, 
why the palace of Akbar should have occupied a site of nearly 
four square miles. But the mere size of the Agra palace will 
give you no conception of its splendor. Many changes have 
taken place since Akbar's time The mutiny led the English to 
sweep away certain sections for strategic reasons. As a monu- 
ment of Moslem architecture the palace is one of the best speci- 
mens, and reminds you of the Alhambra, although in a better 
condition, and with marks of a barbaric splendor which do not 



belong to the Alhambra, and which are the efifect of Indian 
taste blended with Saracenic art. It was in this palace that the 
families of the British residents took refuge during the mutiny 

of 1857. 

A description of the palace, to give you any idea of its vast- 
ness and splendor, would be impossible in the space of any pub- 
lication not devoted to architecture. The palace is built of red 
sandstone, a stone that seems to have been the foundation of 
all the buildings of the Akbar domination. The same stone 
prevails at Futtipoor-Sikra. But all the ornamentation, the 

chambers, cor- 
ridors, and pa- 
vilions, are of 
white marble. 
The influence 
of a European 
taste is seen in 
the mosaic, 
which repeats 
the Florentine 
school, a n d is 
even carried 
out in the ba- 
z a a r s, where 
Agra mosaic 

that looks like a crude imitation of Florence is a specialty. 
This influence came from European adventurers who found a 
refuge at the court of the Mogul, among them a French- 
man named Augustin de Bordeaux. Saracenic art, tinted 
by the Orientalism of India and controlled by a taste which 
had been formed in the schools of Europe, make a peculiar 
blending. The general effect is lost in the crowding together 
of so many objects of beauty. There is no view like those you 
see in Spain, in the Moorish monuments of Granada, Toledo, 
and Seville. The fort is on a plain, and might be a market 
or a barracks from all you can see on the outside, which is a 
blank wall. But there are bits throughout the palace which 



neither time nor the influence of nature nor the heel of con- 
querors has destroyed. The Pearl Mosque, as it is called, 
is very beautiful. Built on a foundation of the common red 
sandstone, its domes may be seen in distant views of the 
fort. There is no ornament to detract from the religious senti- 
ment which should pervade a temple. The God you worship 
there is the God of Beauty. The bath-room, with its decora- 
tions of looking-glass, is curious, but you see the same effect in 
the palace of the Maharajah of Jeypore. The Hall of Audience 
is a noble room, but as minor things are lost in the greater, so 
in your remembrances of the fort nothing takes the place of the 
Pearl Mosque. 

But the Taj ! We were to see the most beautiful building 
in the world. Public opinion all through India unites in this 
judgment of the Taj. I had my railway-window impressions, 
and it is rather a habit when a friend tells me he knows or has 
seen the most beautiful thing in the world, to ask myself 
whether he has seen all the beauty the world contains and is 
competent to pass such an opinion. So I said to myself, what 
our friends mean is that the Taj is the most striking building in 
India, and they use the phrase about the world in a French 
sense, a Frenchman saying that all the world has been at 
church when he means a good many of his friends were there. 
It was late in the afternoon when we went to the Taj. The 
ride is a short one, over a good road, and we had for an escort 
Judge Keene of Agra, who has made the art, the history, and 
the legends of the Mohammedan domination in India a study, 
and to whose excellent history of the Taj I am indebted for all 
my useful facts. It happened to be Sunday, and as we drove 
along the road there seemed to be a Sunday air about the 
crowds that drifted backward and forward from the gardens. 
On our arrival at the gate the General and party were received 
by the custodians of the building, and as we walked down the 
stone steps and under the overarching shade trees we had 
grown to be quite a procession. 

The principle which inspires these magnificent and useless 
tombs is of Tartar origin. The Tartars, we are told, built their 


tombs in such a manner as to " serve for places of enjoyment 
for themselves and their friends during their lifetime." While 
the builder lives he uses the building as a house of recreation, 
receives his friends, gives entertainments. When he dies he is 
buried within the walls, and from that hour the building is 
abandoned. It is ever afterward a tomb, given alone to the 
dead. There is something Egyptian in this idea of a house of 
feasting becoming a tomb ; of a great prince, as he walks amid 
crowds of retainers and friends, knowing that the walls that 
resound with laughter will look down on his dust. This will 
account for so many of the stupendous tombs that you find in 
Upper India. Happily it does not account for the Taj. If the 
Taj had been a Tartar idea — a house of merriment to the 
builder and of sorrow afterward — it would have lost something 
of the poetry which adds to its beauty. The Taj is the expres- 
sion of the grief of the Emperor Shah Jehan for his wife, who 
was known in her day as Mumtaz-i-Mabal, or the Exalted One 
of the Palace. She was herself of royal blood, with Persian 
ancestry intermingled. She was married in 161 5 to Shah 
Jehan, then heir to the throne, and, having borne him seven 
children, died in 1629 in giving birth to the eighth child. Her 
life, therefore, was in the highest sense consecrated, for she 
gave it up in the fulfillment of a supreme and holy duty, in it- 
self a consecration of womanhood. The husband brousjht the 
body of the wife and mother to these gardens, and entombed it 
until the monument of his grief should be done. It was seven- 
teen years before the work was finished. The cost is unknown, 
the best authorities rating it at more than two millions of dol- 
lars. Two millions of dollars in the time of Shah Jehan, with 
labor for the asking, would be worth as much as twenty mil- 
lions in our day. For seventeen years twenty thousand men 
worked on the Taj, and their wages was a daily portion of corn. 
The effect of the Taj as seen from the gate, looking down 
the avenue of trees, is grand. The dome and towers seem to 
rest in the air, and it would not surprise you if they became 
clouds and vanished into rain. The gardens are the perfection 
of horticulture, and you see here, as in no part of India that I 

THE TAJ. jr 

have visited, the wealth and beauty of nature in Hindostan. 
The landscape seems to be flushed with roses, with all varieties 
of the rose, and that most sunny and queenly of flowers seems to 
strew your path and bid you welcome, as you saunter down the 
avenues and up the ascending slope that leads to the shrine of a 
husband's love and a mother's consecration. There is a row of 
fountains which throw out a spray and cool the air, and when you 
pass the trees and come to the door of the building its greatness 
comes upon you — its greatness and its beauty. Mr. Keene took 
us to various parts of the garden, that we might see it from differ- 
ent points of view. I could see no value in one view beyond the 
other. And when our friend, in the spirit of courteous kind- 
ness, pointed out the defects of the building — that it was too 
much this, or too much that, or would have been perfect if it 
had been a little less of something else — there was just the 
least disposition to resent criticism and to echo the opinion of 
Mr. Borie, who, as he stood looking at the exquisite towers and 
solemn marble walls, said: "It was worth coming to India to 
see the Taj." I value that criticism because it is that of a prac- 
tical business man concerned with affairs, and not disposed to 
see a poetic side to any subject. What he saw in the Taj was 
the idea that its founder meant to convey — the idea of solemn, 
overpowering, and unapproachable beauty. 

As you enter you see a vast dome, every inch of which is 
enriched with inscriptions in Arabic, verses from the Koran, en- 
graved marble, mosaics, decorations in agate and jasper. In 
the center are two small tombs of white marble, modestly 
carved. These cover the resting-place of the Emperor and his 
wife, whose bodies are in the vault underneath. In other days 
the Turkish priests read the Koran from the gallery, and you 
can imagine how solemn must have been the effect of the words 
chanted in a priestly cadence by the echo that answers and 
again answers the chanting of some tune by one of the party. 
The more closely you examine the Taj the more you are per- 
plexed to decide whether its beauty is to be found in the gen- 
eral effect of the design, as seen from afar, or the minute and fin- 
ished decorations which cover every wall. The general idea of 

1 5 INDIA. 

the building is never lost. There is nothing trivial about the 
Taj, no grotesque Gothic molding or flowering Corinthian col- 
umns — all is cold and white and chaste and pure. You may 
form an idea of the size of the Taj from the figures of the 
measurement of the Royal Engineers. From the base to the 
top of the center dome is i39>^ feet ; to the summit of the pin- 
nacle, 243>^ feet. It stands on the banks of the river Jumna, 
and it is said that Shah Jehan intended to build a counterpart 
in black marble in which his own ashes should rest. But mis- 
fortunes came to Shah Jehan — ungrateful children, strife, depo- 
sition — and when he died his son felt that the Taj was large 
enough for both father and mother. One is almost glad that 
the black-marble idea never germinated. The Taj, by itself 
alone, is unapproachable. A duplicate would have detracted 
from its peerless beauty. 

We remained in the gardens until the sun went down, and 
we had to hurry to our carriages not to be caught in the swiftly 
descending night. The gardener came to Mrs. Grant with an 
offering of roses. Some of us, on our return from Jeypore, took 
advantage of the new moon to make another visit. We had 
been told that the moonlight gave a new glory even to the Taj. 
It was the night before we left Agra, and we could not resist 
the temptation, even at the risk of keeping some friends wait- 
ing who had asked us to dinner, of a moonlight view. It was 
a new moon, which made our view imperfect. But such a view 
as was given added to the beauty of the Taj. The cold lines 
of the marble were softened by the shimmering silver light. 
The minarets seemed to have a new height, and the dome had 
a solemnity as became the canopy of the mother and queen. 
We strolled back, now and then turning for another last view 
of the wonderful tomb. The birds were singing, the air was 
heavy with the odors of the rose-garden, and the stillness — the 
twilight stillness — all added to the beauty of the mausoleum, and 
combined to make the memory of our visit the most striking 
among the many wondrous things we have seen in Hindostan. 

Among Indian princes there is none who stands better in 
the eyes of the government than the Maharajah of Jeypore. I 



am afraid none of us knew much about this noble prince, but 
wherever we went in India we were told we should go to Jey- 
pore. The programme of the General had not included this 
tour; but when we came to Allahabad Sir George Couper made 
such an impression upon the General by his description of Jey- 
pore that it was clear that unless we saw Jeypore we had seen 

nothing in India. Accordingly 
our programme was revised; a 
day was taken from Agra, a 
day from Delhi, a day from 
Cawnpore, and so it became 
possible for us to come. So 
we took to reading about his 
Highness and learned several facts. The prince is thus in- 
scribed in the chronicles : His Highness Siramadi Rajahai 
Hindustan; Raj Rajender ; Sri Maharajah Dhiraj Sewae, Sir 
Ram Singh Bahadur, Knight Grand Commander of the Most 
Exalted Order of the Star of India He enjoys a personal 
salute of twenty-one guns — the highest salute given to any 

VOL. II. — -2 



Indian prince — given only to those who have been submis- 
sive and loyal to England or who have rendered the Crown 
a distinguished service. He is commonly called Maharajah 
Ram Singh. When he wrote his name on his photograph he 
signed simply Ram Singh. He is forty-four years of age. 
His territory is 15,250 square miles, supporting a population of 
nearly two millions, and yielding a revenue of about $24,000,000 

In the literature of India there are two poems — the "Iliad" 
and "Odyssey" of Hindostan — known as the "Mahabarata" 
and the " Ramayana." These poems tell of the exploits of 
princes of a lunar race, and princes of a solar race. The great 
prince of the solar race was Rama. Rama was son of the King 
of Oude, and an incarnation of the Deity. A king who lived 
near him had a beautiful daughter. He promised to bestow this 
daughter upon the prince who could bend the bow with which the 
god Shiva had destroyed the other gods. Rama broke the bow 
and won the beautiful princess. Rama was to have ascended the 
throne. His father had among his wives one who was anxious 
for her son to succeed, and she induced the father to banish Rama 
and give preference to her own son. This is worth noting as 
among the disadvantages of polygamy. So Rama wandered off. 
The King of Ceylon had a sister who fell in love with Rama, and 
asked him to desert the beautiful princess for whom he had bent 
the bow of the gods. Rama disdained the overture, and punished 
the lady by cutting off her ears and nose. Out of revenge a re- 
lative of the mutilated and despised Ceylon princess was induced 
to carry away the beautiful wife of Rama. The miscreant who 
performed this office, a monster with ten heads and twenty arms, 
came in the shape of a beggar, and carried off the princess in 
his chariot through the air to Ceylon. Rama raised an army 
and marched upon Ceylon. Battles were fought and the prin- 
cess recovered, and her purity was established by the ordeal 
of fire. This ordeal was witnessed by three hundred and thirty 
millions of gods, and the beautiful princess coming out un- 
scathed, the poem ended in the happiness and triumph of Rama. 

It is well to know something about your friends before you 



visit them, and we rooted this information about Rama out of 
our histories, because from Rama the Maharajah of Jeypore 
claims descent. He traces his own line back to 967, to Dhola 
Rai, and Dhola Rai was thirty-fourth in descent from Rama. 
We hear a good deal about good blood and long descent and 
Norman ancestors, but here is a prince whose line goes back 
nearly a thousand years, and then rises into the heavens and 
claims the universe among its progenitors. Something must be 
allowed for Indian imagination and the necessities of verse. 
But the poem which tells of the adventures of Rama and his 
princess is supposed to tell the story of the invasion of Southern 
India by the Aryans, one of the earliest events in Indian his- 
tory. As a consequence the Maharajah of Jeypore may fairly 
rank among the most ancient families in the world. Among 
his ancestors was Jai Singh II., a prince remarkable for his 
learning, especially in astronomy and mathematics. Jai Singh 
II. founded the city of Jeypore. The present Maharajah has 
always been a warm friend of the English, and when the Prince 
of Wales came to see him he expended $500,000 in entertaining 
his Royal Highness. We left Agra about noon, the day being 
warm and oppressive. Our ride was through a low, uninterest- 
ing country, broken by ranges of hills. The railway is narrow 
gauge, and, as I learned from one of the managers, who accom- 
panied us, has proved a success, and strengthens the arguments 
in favor of the narrow-gauge system. It was night before we 
reached Jeypore. On arriving at the statipn the Maharajah 
was present with his ministers, and the English resident. Dr. 
Hendley, who acted in place of Colonel Beynon. As the Gen- 
eral descended, the Maharajah, who wore the ribbon and star 
of the Order of India, advanced and shook hands, welcoming 
him to his dominions. The Maharajah is a small, rather fragile 
person, with a serious, almost a painful, expression of counte- 
nance, but an intelligent, keen face. He looked like a man of 
sixty. His movements were slow, impassive — the movements 
of old age. This may be a mannerism, however, for on study- 
ing his face you could see that there is some youth in it. On 
his brow were the crimson emblems of his caste — the warrior 



caste of Rajpootana. His Highness does not speak English, 
although he understands it, and our talk was through an inter- 
preter. After the exchange of courtesies and a few moments' 
conversation, the General drove off to the English residency, 
accompanied by a company of Jeypore cavalry. The residency 
is some distance from the station. It is a fine, large mansion, 
surrounded by a park and garden. 

It was arranged that we should visit Amber, tiie ancient 
capital of Jeypore, one of the most curious sights in India. 
Amber was the capital until the close of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. It was among the freaks of the princes who once reigned 
in India that when they tired of a capital or a palace they wan- 
dered off and built a new one, leaving the other to run to waste. 
The ruins of India are as a general thing the abandoned palaces 
and temples of kings who grew weary of their toy and craved 
another. This is why Amber is now an abandoned town and 

Jeypore the capital. If the 
Maharajah were to tire of Jey- 
pore and return to Amber, the 
town would accompany him, 
for without the court the town 
would die. Traveling in In- 
dia must be done early in the 
morning, and although we had 
had a severe day's journey, 
we left for Amber at seven in 
the morning. A squadron of 
the Maharajah's cavalry ac- 
companied us. They are fine 
horsemen and wear quilted 
uniforms of printed cotton. 
In India one way of keeping 
cool is to quilt yourself with 
cotton. On my observing that 
soldiers under an Indian sun, 
swathed in quilted cotton, must be very uncomfortable, I was 
told that the Indian found heavy apparel an advantage, and 



Englishmen when hunting wore sporting dresses on the same 
principle. Our drive through Jeypore was interesting from 
the fact that we were now in a native city, under native 
rule. Heretofore the India we had seen was India under 
Englishmen ; but Jeypore is sovereign, with power of life and 
death over his own subjects. The city is purely Oriental, and 
is most picturesque and striking. There are two or three 
broad streets and one or two squares that would do no dis- 
credit to Paris. The architecture is Oriental, and, as all the 
houses are painted after the same pattern in rose color, it gives 
you the impression that it is all the same building. The streets 
had been cleaned and swept for our coming, and men, carrying 
goatskins of water, were sprinkling them. Soldiers were sta- 
tioned at various points to salute, and sometimes the salute was 
accompanied with a musical banging on various instruments of 
the national air. The best that India can do for a distinguished 
American is " God save the Queen." I was amused in Bombay, 
on the occasion of a state dinner to General Grant, at the dis- 
tress of one of our friends at the Government House because 
his band could not play any American national air. There was 
to be a toast to the country, and of course as the toast was 
drinking the band would play. But what to play ? The " Star- 
Spangled Banner," " Hail Columbia," " Yankee Doodle? " They 
had never been heard of in India. When the dinner came and 
the toast was drunk, the band played a snatch or two from a 
German waltz, and our company all stood gravely until it was 
done, under the inipression that it was the national American 
air, and feeling, I have no doubt, that we must be a giddy 
people to create a national hymn out of dancing music. The 
best the Jeypore bands can do for the General is " God save 
the Queen ; " and, happily, it makes no difference to the person 
for whom the honor is meant, as he does not know one tune 
from another, and believed, no doubt, with his English friends 
at Bombay, that the dance music was the real anthem. 

We note as we drive through Jeypore that there are gas 
lamps. This is a tremendous advance in civilization. One of 
the first things we heard in India was that in Jeypore lived a 

22 INDIA. 

great prince, a most enlightened prince, quite English in his 
ideas, who had gas lamps in his streets. Wherever we stopped 
this was told us, until we began to think of the Maharajah not 
as a prince descended from the gods, but a ruler who had gas 
lamps in his streets. We are told also that he has a theater 
almost ready. There is a troupe of Parsee players in town, 
who have come all the way from Bombay and are waiting to 
open it. The Maharajah was sorry that he could not show the 
General a play, but his theater was not finished. What strikes 
us vividly is not the gas in the streets or the theater, but the 
Indian aspect. It is all so new and strange that the gas lamps 
seem to be out of place. These long streets of rose-colored 
houses, with turrets and verandas and latticed windows, that 
look so warm and picturesque and glowing — this is what your 
fancy told you might be seen in India. The bazaars, in which 
dealers are crouching; the holy men and ascetics covered with 
ashes; the maidens, with green and .scarlet drapery, carrying 
huge water pitchers on their heads ; the beggars ; the brown, 
naked children rolling in the earth ; the calico-covered soldiers, 
and the odd costumes, the marks of rank and caste — from the 
holy Brahmin^ who belongs to a sacred race, down to the water- 
bearers and scavengers — all this is new and stranee. An at- 
tendant leads a cheetah along the street, and you shudder for 
a moment at the idea of a wild menagerie animal being at 
large ; but you learn that the cheetah is quite a harmless ani- 
mal when tamed, and good for hunting. We come to the edge 
of the town, which suddenly ends, and are in a valley. The 
hills are covered with a brown furze, which looks as if it would 
crackle and break under the burning sun. The roads are lined 
with cactus, and the fields are divided by mud fences which 
would not last a week in our rainy regions. We pass wardens 
— walled gardens with minarets. Here the ladies of tlie Hin- 
doo gentleman's house may take their recreation, but their life 
is seclusion. The camels pass us carrying heavy burdens, and 
the trees are alive with monkeys. The monkey is a sacred 
animal, and no Hindoo would take its life. Monkeys skip 
over walls and sit on the trees and watch us as we pass. I do 



not know what would become of India with the monkey as a 
sacred protected animal but for the leopard. In a short time 
he would swarm over the land. But the leopard and other 
wild beasts keep him down. Wild peacocks swarm and beau- 
tify the hard brown hills with their plumage. The peacock is 
also a sacred animal, and they were as plentiful on our road to 

1/ ."-^ N^r .W^^'ifn4iki- 


'^^ir^Kti'-i-' ", ' 


Amber as sparrows on the road to Jerome Park. The hills are 
now and then crowned with castles, the strongholds of old 
chiefs who took to the cliff and the fastness for protection in the 
days when might made right in India, the days before the Eng- 
lishman came and put his strong hand upon all these quarreling 
races and commanded peace. We pass a lazy pool, in which 

24 /A/Vv/. 

crocodiles are lazily swimming, and on the banks are two or 
three wild pigs drinking the water. They are unconscious of 
the murderous eye of the Colonel, who has come to Jeypore to 
add to the laurels of his laurel-laden house those of a pig- 
sticker. The beating sun pours its rays over you, and you 
shrink from it under the shade of your carriage, and wonder 
how these lithe and brown Hindoos, who run at your carriage 
wheels, can fight the sun. There is no air, no motion ; and 
now, that we are out of Jeypore, and away from the cool and 
freshened streets, all is parched and arid and dry. 

To go to Amber we must ride elephants. For after a few 
miles the hills come and the roads are broken, and carriages 
are of no value. We might go on horseback or on camels, but 
the Maharajah has sent us his elephants, and here they are 
waiting for us under a grove of mango-trees drawn up on the 
side of the road as if to salute. The principal elephant wears 
a scarlet cloth as a special honor to the General. The elephant 
means authority in India, and when you wish to do your guest 
the highest honor you mount him on an elephant. The Ma- 
harajah also sent sedan chairs for those of us who preferred an 
easier and swifter conveyance. Mrs. Grant chose the sedan 
chair, and was switched off at a rapid pace up the ascending 
road by four Hindoo bearers. The pace at which these chairs 
is carried is a short, measured quickstep, so that there is no 
uneasiness to the rider. The rest of us mounted the elephants. 
Elephant riding is a curious and not an unpleasant experience. 
The animal is under perfect control, and very often, especially 
in the case of such a man as the ruler of Jeypore, has been for 
generations in the same family. The elephant is under the 
care of a driver, called a mahout. The mahout sits on the 
neck, or more properly the head, of the elephant, and guides 
him with a stick or sharp iron prong, with which he strikes the 
animal on the top of the head. Between the elephant and 
mahout there are relations of affection. The mahout lives with 
the elephant, gives him his food, and each animal has its own 
keeper. The huge creature becomes in time as docile as a 
kitten, and will obey any order of the mahout. The elephant 



reaches a great age. The one assigned to me had been sixty 
j'ears in the royal stables. It is not long since there died at 
Calcutta the elephant which carried Warren Hastings when 
Governor-General of India — a century ago. There are two 
methods of riding elephants. One is in a box like the four 
seats of a carriage, the other on a square, quilted seat, your 
feet hanging over the sides, something like an Irish jaunting- 
car. The first plan is good for hunting, but for comfort the 
second is the better. When we came to our elephant the huge 
beast, at a signal from the mahout, slowly kneeled. Then a 
step ladder was put against his side, and we mounted into our 
seats. Two of the party were assigned to an elephant, and we 
sat in lounging fashion, back to back. There was room enough 
on the spacious seat to lie down and take a nap. When the 
elephant rises, which he does two legs at a time, deliberately, 
you must hold on to the rail of your seat. Once on his feet he 
swings along at a slow, wobbling pace. The motion is an easy 
one, like that of a boat in a light sea. In time, if you go long 
distances, it becomes very tiresome. Apparently you are as 
free as in a carriage or a railway car. You can sit in any 
position or creep about from one side to the other. But the 
motion brings every part of the body into action, bending and 
swinging it, and I could well see how a day's long journey would 
make the body very weary and tired. 

We left the plain, and ascended the hot, dusty hill to Am- 
ber. As we ascended the plain opened before us, and distance 
deadening the brown arid spaces only showed us the groves 
and walled gardens, and the greenness of the valley came upon 
us, came with joyousness and welcome, as a memory of home, 
for there is no green in India, and you long for a meadow or a 
rolling field of clover — long with the sense of thirst. There 
was the valley, and beyond the towers of Jeypore, which seemed 
to shimmer and tremble in the sun. We passed over ruined 
paths, crumbling into fragments. We passed small temples, 
some of them ruined, some with offerings of grain or flowers 
or fruit, some with priests and people at worship. On the 
walls of some of the temples we saw the marks of the human 



hand as though it had been steeped in blood and pressed 
against the white wall. We were told that it was the custom 
when seeking from the gods some benison to note the vow by 
putting the hand into a liquid and printing it on the wall. This 

was to remind the god 
of the vow and the pray- 
er, and if it came in the 
shape of rain or food or 
health or children, the 
joyous devotee returned 
to the temple and made 
other offerings — money 
and fruits. We kept our 
way, slowly ascending, 
winding around the hill 
on whose crest was the 
palace of Amber. Mrs. 
Grant, with her couriers, 
had gone ahead, and, as 
our procession of ele- 
phants turned up the last 
slope and passed under 
the arch, we saw the lady 


of our expedition high 
up at a lattice window 
waving her handkerchief The courtyard was open and spa- 
cious, and entering, our elephants knelt and we came down. 
We reached the palace while worship was in progress at the 
temple. Dr. Handley told us that we were in time to take 
part in the services and to see the priest offer up a kid. Every 
day in the year in this temple a kid is offered up as a propitia- 
tion for the sins of the Maharajah. The temple was little more 
than a room in the palace — a private chapel. At one end was 
a platform raised a few inches from the ground and covered 
over. On this platform were the images of the gods, of the 
special god — I think it is Shiva — whom his Highness worships. 
On this point I will not speak with certainty, for in a mythology 



embracing several hundred millions of gods one is apt to be- 
come bewildered. Whatever the god, the worship was in full 
progress, and there was the kid ready for sacrifice. We en- 
tered the inclosure and stood with our hats off. There were a 
half dozen worshipers crouching on the ground. One of the 
attendants held the kid while the priest sat crouching over it, 
reading from the sacred books, and in a half humming, half 
whining chant blessing the sacrifice, and as he said each prayer 
putting some grain or spice or oil on its head. The poor ani- 
mal licked the crumbs as they fell about it, quite unconscious 
of its holy fate. Another attendant took a sword and held it 
before the priest. He read some prayers over the sword and 
consecrated it. Then the kid was carried to the corner, where 
there was a small heap of sand or ashes and a gutter to carry 
away the blood. The priest continued his prayers, the kid's 
head was suddenly drawn down and with one blow severed 
from the body. The virtue of the sacrifice consists in the head 
falling at the first blow, and so expert do the priests become 
that at some of the great sacrifices, where buffaloes are offered 
up in expiation of the princely sins, they will take off the buffalo's 
head -with one stroke of the sword. The kid having performed 
the office of expiation becomes useful for the priestly dinner. 

Of the palace of Amber the most one can say is that it is 
curious and interesting as the home of an Indian king, in the 
days when India was ruled by her kings, and a Hastings and a 
Clive had not come to rend and destroy. The Maharajah has 
not quite abandoned it. He comes sometimes to the great 
feasts of the faith, and a few apartments are kept for him. His 
rooms were ornamented with looking-glass decorations, with 
carved marble, which the artisan had fashioned into tracery so 
delicate that it looked like lacework. What strikes you in this 
Oriental decoration is its tendency to light, bright, lacelike gos- 
samer work, showing infinite pains and patience in the doing, 
but without any special value as a real work of art. The general 
effect of these decorations is agreeable, but all is done for effect. 
There is no such honest, serious work as you see in the Gothic 
cathedrals, or even in the Alhambra. One is the expression of 



a facile, sprightly race, fond of the sunshine, delighting to re- 
peat the caprice of nature in the curious and quaint ; the other 
has a deep, earnest purpose. This is an imagination which 
sees its gods in every form— in stones and trees and beasts and 
creeping things, in the stars above, in the snake wriggling 
through" the hedges— the other sees only one God, even the 
Lord God Jehovah, who made the heavens and the earth, and 
will come to judge the world at the last day. As you wander 
through the courtyards and chambers of Amber the fancy is 
amused by the character of all that surrounds you. There is 
no luxury. All these kings wanted was air and sunshine. 
They slept on the floor. The chambers of their wives were 
little more than cells built in stone. Here are the walls that 
surrounded their section of the palace. There are no windows 
looking into the outer world, only a thick stone wall pierced 
with holes slanting upward, so that if a curious spouse looked 
out she would see nothing lower than the stars. Amber is an 
immense palace, and could quite accommodate a rajah with a 
court of a thousand attendants. 

There were some beautiful views from the terrace, and we 
sat in the shade between the columns and looked into the 
valley beyond, over which the sun was streaming in midday 
splendor. We should have liked to remain, but our elephants 
had been down to the water to lap themselves about and were 
now returning refreshed to bear us back to Jeypore. We had 
only given ourselves a day for the town, and we had to return 
the call of the Prince, which is a serious task in Eastern eti- 
quette. Mr. Borie was quite beaten down and used up by the 
sun and the wobbling, wearisome elephant ride ; but we suc- 
ceeded in persuading him to make the descent in a chair, as 
Mrs. Grant had done. There was something which did vio- 
lence to Mr. Borie's republican spirit in the idea of being car- 
ried about in a chair when there were elephants to ride, and it 
was only upon pressure that we managed to mount him in his 
chair. While Mr. Borie and Mrs. Grant were off swinging and 
lolling down the hill, the rest of us took a short cut among the 
ruins, leaping from stone to stone, watching the ground care- 




fully as we went, to see that we disturbed no coiled and sleep- 
ing cobra, until we came upon our huge and tawny brutes and 
were wobbled back to our carriages and in our carriages to 

We saw the sights of Jeypore on our return. There was a 

school of arts and 
industry which in- 
terested the Gen- 
eral very much, his spe- 
cial subjects of inquiry 
^' ' as he travels being the 

industrial customs and the resources of the country. He would 
go ten miles to see a new-fashioned plow or to avoid seeing 
a soldier or a gun. The school is one of the Prince's favorite 
schemes, and the scholars showed aptness in their work. The 
special work in which Jeypore excels is enameled jewelry, and 
some of the specimens shown us were exceedingly beautiful 
and dear. We went to the Mint, and saw the workmen beat 
the coin and stamp it. We went to the collection of tigers, 

30 ^^-^DIA. 

and saw a half dozen brutes, each of whom had a history. Two 
or three were man-eaters. One enormous creature had killed 
twenty-five men before he was taken, and he lay in his cage 
quite comfortable and sleek. Another was in a high temper, 
and roared and jumped and beat the bars of his cage. He also 
was a man-eater, and I am sure that his manifestations quite 
cured us of any ambition to go into the jungle— cured all but 
the Colonel, whose coming campaigns in the tiger country are 
themes of occasional conversation. On returning to the resi- 
dency we found a group of servants from the palace on the 
veranda, each carrying a tray laden with sweetmeats and nuts, 
oranges and other fruits. This was an offering from the Prince, 
and it was necessary that the General should touch some of 
the fruit and taste it, and say how much he was indebted to his 
Highness for the remembrance. Then the servants marched 
back to the palace. I don't think that any of us could have 
been induced to make a meal out of the royal viands, not for a 
considerable part of the kingdom ; but our servants were hang- 
ing around with hungry eyes, and as soon as the General 
touched the fruit they swarmed over the trays and bore away 
the offerings. The Doctor looked at the capture from a pro- 
fessional point of view, and saw that he would have work ahead. 
The sure consequence of a present of sweetmeats from the 
palace is that the residency servants are ill for two or three 

The Maharajah sent word that he would receive General 
Grant at five. The Maharajah is a pious prince, a devotee and 
almost an ascetic. He gives seven hours a day to devotions. 
He partakes only of one meal. When he is through with his 
prayers he plays billiards. He is the husband of ten wives. 
His tenth wife was married to him a few weeks ago. The 
court gossip is that he did not want another wife, that nine 
were enough ; but in polygamous countries marriages are made 
to please families, to consolidate alliances, to win friendships, 
very often to give a home to the widows or sisters of friends. 
The Maharajah was under some duress of this kind, and his bride 
was brought home and is now with her sister brides behind the 



stonf walls, killing time as she best can, while her lord prays 
and plays billiards. I asked one who knows something of 
Oriental ways what these poor women do whom destiny elevates 
to the couch of a king. They live in more than cloistered 
seclusion. They are guarded by eunuchs, and, even when ailing, 
cannot look in the face of the physician, but put their hands 
through a screen. I heard it said in Jeypore that no face of a 
Rajput princess was ever seen by a European. These preju- 
dices are respected and protected by the imperial government, 


which respects and protects every custom in India so long as 
the states beiiave themselves and pay tribute. In their seclu- 
sion the princesses adorn themselves, see the Nautch girls dance, 
and read romances. They are not much troubled by the Ma- 
harajah. That great prince, I hear, is tired of everything but 
his devotions and his billiards. He has no children, and is not 
supposed to have hopes of an heir. He will, as is the custom 
in these high families, adopt some prince of an auxiliary branch. 
If he fails to do so — and somehow childless rajahs generally 
fail, never believing in the inevitable, and putting off the act of 

^2 INDIA. 

adoption until it is too late — the British government will find 
one, just as they did in Baroda the other day, deposing one 
ruler and elevating a lad ten or eleven years of age, " who 
now," as I see in an official paper, " is receiving his education 
under the supervision of an English tutor." The government 
of the kingdom is in the hands of a council, among whom are 
the prime minister and the principal Brahmin. 

We drove to the palace at four o'clock, and were shown the 
royal stables. There were some fine horses and exhibitions of 
horsemanship which astonished even the General. We were 
shown the astronomical buildings of Jai Singh II., which were 
on a large scale and accurately graded. We climbed to the 
top of the palace and had a fine view of Jeypore. The palace 
itself embraces one-si.xth of the city, and there are ten thousand 
people within its walls — beggars, soldiers, priests, politicians, 
all manner of human beings — who live on the royal bounty. 
The town looked picturesque and cool in the shadows of the 
descending sun. We looked at the quarters devoted to the 
household. All was dead. Every part of the palace swarmed 
with life except this. Word had been sent to the household 
that profane eyes would soon be gazing from the towers, and 
the ladies went into seclusion. We strolled from building to 
building — reception-rooms, working-rooms, billiard-rooms, high 
walled, far apart, with stone walls and gardens all around ; 
space, air, and sunshine. His Highness had risen this morn- 
ing earlier than usual, to have his prayers finished in time to 
meet the General. At five precisely we entered the courtyard 
leading to the reception hall. The Maharajah came slowly 
down the steps, with a serious, preoccupied air, not as an old 
man, but as one who was too weary with a day's labors to make 
any effort, and shook hands with the General and Mrs. Grant. 
He accompanied the General to a seat of honor and sat down 
at his side. We all ranged ourselves in the chairs. On the 
side of the General sat the members of his party ; on the side 
of the Maharajah the members of his cabinet. Dr. Handley 
acted as interpreter. The prince said Jeypore was honored in 
seeing the face of the great American ruler, whose fame had 


reached Hindostan. The General said he had enjoyed his 
visit, that he was pleased and surprised with the prosperity of 
the people, and that he should have felt he had lost a great 
deal if he had come to India and not have seen Jeypore. The 
Maharajah expressed regret that the General made so short a 
stay. The General answered that he came to India late, and 
was rather pressed for time from the fact that he wished to see 
the Viceroy before he left Calcutta, and to that end had prom- 
ised to be in Calcutta on March loth. 

His Highness then made a gesture, and a troupe of dancing 
girls came into the courtyard. One of the features of a visit to 
Jeypore is what is called the Nautch. The Nautch is a sacred 
affair, danced by Hindoo girls of a low caste, in the presence of 
the idols in the palace temple. A group of girls came trooping 
in, under the leadership of an old fellow with a long beard and 
a hard expression of face, who might have been the original of 
Dickens's Fagin. The girls wore heavy garments embroidered, 
the skirts composed of many folds, covered with gold braid. 
They had ornaments on their heads and jewels in the side of 
the nose. They had plain faces and carried out the theory of 
caste, if there be anything in such a theory, in the contrast be- 
tween their features and the delicate, sharply-cut lines of the 
higher class Brahmins and the other castes who surrounded the 
prince. The girls formed in two lines ; a third line was com- 
posed of four musicians, who performed a low, growling kind 
of music on unearthly instruments. The dance had no value in 
it, either as an expression of harmony, grace, or motion. What 
it may have been as an act of devotion according to the Hindoo 
faith I could not judge. One of the girls would advance a step 
or two and then turn around. Another would ofo through the 
same. This went down the double line, the instruments keep- 
ing up their constant din. I have a theory that music, like 
art, has a meaning that is one of the expressions of the char- 
acter and aspirations of a people, and I am quite sure that an 
ingenious and quick-witted race like the Hindoos would not 
invent a ceremony and perform it in their temples without some 
purpose. The Nautch dance is meaningless. It is not even 

VOL. 11. — 3 

,. INDIA. 

improper. It is attended by no excitement, no manifestations 
of religious feeling. A group of coarse, ill- formed women stood 
in the lines, walked and twisted about, breaking now and then 
into a chorus, which added to the din of the instruments. This 
was the famous Nautch dance, which we were to see in Jeypore 
with amazement, and to remember as one of the sights in 
India. Either as an amusement or a religious ceremony it had 
no value. 

The Maharajah and his court looked on as gloomy as 
ravens, while the General wore that resigned expression — 
resignation tinted with despair — familiar to those of his Wash- 
ington friends who had seen him listen to an address from the 
Women's Rights Association or receive a delegation of Sioux 
chiefs. But the scene was striking in many ways. Here was 
the courtyard of a palace, the walls traced in fanciful gossamer- 
like architecture. Here were walls and galleries crowded with 
court retainers, servants, dependants, soldiers. Here was the 
falconer in attendance on the prince, the falcon perched on his 
wrist — a fine, broad-chested, manly fellow, standing in attend- 
ance, just as I have seen in pictures representing feudal man- 
ners in early English days. Here was the prime minister, the 
head of the Jeypore government, a tall, lank nobleman in flow- 
ing, embroidered robes, with keen, narrow features that I fan- 
cied had Hebrew lines in them. Somehow one looks for the 
Hebrew lines in governing faces. I heard some romantic 
stories of the rise of the prime minister: how he had held hum- 
ble functions and rose in time to sit behind the throne. They 
say he rules with vigor, is a terror to evil-doers, and has made 
a good deal of money. Prime ministers depend upon the will 
or the whim of the prince, and as the prince may die or may 
have some omen from the astrologers, or something may go 
wrong with the sacrifices — the kid's head not falling at the first 
stroke, or a like ominous incident — the tenure of power is like 
gambling. I suppose this noble lord with the aigrette of pearls 
in his cap, who looks with his thin, uneasy face on the coarse, 
shambling Nautch girls, has his trouble in wielding power. He 
must keep his eye on the priests, the astrologers, the eunuchs, 



the spies, and, above all, upon the British resident, who lives in 
a shady garden on the outskirts of the town, and whose little 
finger is more powerful than all the princes of Rajpootana. 


Next to the prime minister sits the chief of the Brahmins, 
a most holy man, who wears a yellowish robe, his brow stamped 
with his sacred caste, so holy that he would regard the bread 
of his master unclean, a middle-aged, full-bodied, healthy priest, 



more European in feature than his associates. He eats opium, 
as many high and holy men do in India, and you see that his 
fingers twitch restlessly. He is the favorite Brahmin and con- 
science-keeper of the Maharajah, receives large revenues from 
the temples, lives in a palace, and is a member of the King's 
Council. The younger man, carrying a sword, with a square, 
full head, is a Bengalese scholar or pundit, the Prince's private 
secretary, who speaks English, and looks as if one day he 
might be prime minister. The Maharajah sits as it were soused 
back into his chair, his eyes covered with heavy silver-mounted 
spectacles, very tired and bored, looking at the Nautch girls as 
though they were a million of miles away. He has been pray- 
ing all day and has had no dinner. The scene is wholly Ori- 
ental — the color, the movement, the odd faces you see around 
you, and the light, trifling, fantastic architecture which sur- 
rounds all. The shadows crrew longer and lonsrer, and Dr. 
Handley, evidently thinking that the dance had served every 
useful purpose, said a word to the Prince, who made a sign. 
The dance stopped, the girls vanished, and we all went into the 
main drawing-room, and from thence to the billiard-room. The 
Maharajah, as I have said, plays billiards when he is not at 
prayers. He was anxious to have a game with the General. 
I am not enough of a billiard player to do justice to this game. 
I never can remember whether the red ball counts or not when 
you pocket it. The General played in an indiscriminate, pro- 
miscuous manner, and made some wonderful shots in the way 
of missing balls he intended to strike. Mr. Borie, whose inter- 
est in the General's fortunes extends to billiards, began to de- 
plore those eccentric experiments, when the General said he 
had not played billiards for thirty years. The Maharajah tried 
to lose the game, and said to one of his attendants that he was 
anxious to show the General that delicate mark of hospitality. 
But I cannot imagine a more difficult task than for one in full 
practice at billiards to lose a game to General Grant. The 
game ended, his Highness winning by more points than 1 am 
willing to print for the gratification of the General's enemies. 
Then we strolled into the gardens and looked at the palace 


towers, which the Prince took pleasure in showing the General, 
and which looked airy and beautiful in the rosy shadows of the 
descending sun. There were beds of flowers and trees, and the 
coming night, which comes so swiftly in these latitudes, brought 
a cooling breeze. Then his Highness gave us each a photo- 
graph of his royal person, consecrated with his royal autograph, 
which he wrote on the top of a marble railing. Then we 
strolled toward the grand hall of ceremony to take our leave. 
Taking leave is a solemn act in India. We entered the spa- 
cious hall where the Prince received the Prince of Wales. 
Night had come so rapidly that servants came in all directions 
carrying candles and torches that lit up the gaudy and glit- 
tering hall. An attendant carried a tray bearing wreaths of 
the rose and jasmine. The Maharajah, taking two of these 
wreaths, put them on the neck of the General. He did the 
same to Mrs. Grant and all the members of the party. Then 
taking a string of gold and silken cord, he placed that on Mrs. 
Grant as a special honor. The General, who was instructed 
by the English resident, took four wreaths and put them on 
the neck of the Maharajah, who pressed his hands and bowed 
his thanks. Another servant came, bearing a small cup of gold 
and gems containing attar of roses. The Maharajah, putting 
some of the perfume on his fingers, transferred it to Mrs. 
Grant's handkerchief With another portion he passed his 
hands along the General's breast and shoulders. This was 
done to each of the party. The General then taking the per- 
fume passed his hands over the Maharajah's shoulders, and so 
concluded the ceremony, which in all royal interviews in the East 
is supposed to mean a lasting friendship. Then the Prince, 
taking General Grant's hand in his own, led him from the hall, 
across the garden, and to the gateway of his palace, holding his 
hand all the time. Our carriages were waiting, and the Prince 
took his leave, saying how much he was honored by the Gen- 
eral's visit. The cavalry escort formed in line, the guard pre- 
sented arms, and we drove at a full gallop to our home. And 
so ended one of the most interesting and eventful days in our 
visit to India. 




HE stars were shining out of a dark and glowing sky 
when my servant came into the room and said that 
the time had come for the train. In this country 
you must not expect trains at your convenience. 
The main object is to travel in the night. Although at home 
it would be almost a barbarism to keep the hours enforced upon 
you in India, here you take all the advantage you can of the 
night. The cars are built for the night, and are the nearest 
approach I have seen to our American models for comfort. 
We drove to the Jeypore station under a full starlight, as it 
was important we should be on our way to Agra before the sun 
was up. But on reaching the station we learned that some 
mishap had fallen the train, and we had to kill time at the sta- 
tion as best we could, and study the beauty of an Indian sun- 



rise. That itself was something to see, especially with such a 
background to the picture as the Oriental city of Jeypore and 
the brown empurpled hills beyond. But the railway is a new 
thing in Rajpootana, and has not learned the value of prompti- 
tude. In time we were off and on our way to Futtehpoor Sikra. 
It had been arranged that we should go to Agra by break- 
ing the journey at Bhurtpoor, driving over to the ruins of 
Futtehpoor Sikra, and remaining there all night. The Maha- 
rajah of Bhurtpoor is a young prince about thirty years of age. 
His name is Maharajah Seswaut Singh. His state is small, its 
area 1,974 square miles, with a population of 743,710, and a 
revenue of between fourteen and fifteen millions of dollars a 
year. The Maharajah is descended from a freebooter named 
Brij, who owned a village, and in time made his village into a 
state. The fortunes of the state have not always been prosper- 
ous. It had the fortune that so often attends small states bor- 
dering on larger ones — the fortune of so disturbing the rest and 
dignity of the larger neighbors that robbery and annexation 
became necessary. Bhurtpoor was taken by the old Delhi 
rulers. Then Sindia came and seized it. In 1805, when Lord 
Lake was loose in India at the head of a small conquering 
army, he came upon Bhurtpoor. The town had given refuge 
to Holkar, a prince at war with the English, and Lord Lake 
attempted to carry it by storm. In this he failed, losing 3,000 
men. The English compromised, and took $1,000,000 as the 
price of not continuing the war. The memory of that defeat 
long lingered in India, and was the theme of many a song and 
story in native bazaars. In 1826 there was a quarrel in the 
house of Bhurtpoor. The father of the present Maharajah was 
seized and imprisoned by his cousin. The English interfered, 
and the result was the invasion of the state by an army of 
20,000 men and 100 guns. It is difificult to see what honest 
motive could have induced the Indian government to throw so 
large an army into another state, but the one point not wise to 
dwell upon in reading Indian history is motives. The town 
was invested, the gates blown up, and 6,000 men killed in the 
assault, the English losing 1,000. The usurping prince was 



sent to Benares on a pension of S3.000 a year. Although the 
avowed motive of the invasion of Bhurtpoor was to restore a 
prince and secure his rights, as soon as the British came into 
the town they plundered it. The state jewels were taken. 
Over $2,000,000 from the treasury was divided among the sol- 
diers ; the commander, Lord Combermere, who died not long 
since, one of the oldest of the British generals, and universally 
praised as a fine type of the old-fashioned sturdy officer and 
nobleman, put $300,000 of the money in his pocket. The walls 


of the town were leveled, and the prince, father to the present 
ruler, was restored to a crown which had been robbed of its 
jewels, a treasury which had been robbed of its treasure, a 
town which had been robbed of its walls, a palace which had 
been robbed of its adornments. Considering that the founder 
of the house was a good deal of a robber himself, I suppose 
there was not a serious invasion of the moral law in taking 
from Bhurtpoor what his ancestors had taken from somebody 
else. One does not like to read these things of an English 


peer and an English army. But the painful fact is that you 
can hardly open a page in the history of India without stum- 
bling upon some incident that recalls the taking of Bhurtpoor. 
The day was hot and the ride had been through a low coun- 
try, the scenery not attractive at the best, but now brown and 
arid under a scorching sun. We were in a frowsy condition, 
early rising, long waiting, and an Indian atmosphere not con- 
tributing to the comforts of travel. About noon the blare of 
trumpets and the rolling of the drums told us we were at 
Bhurtpoor. Putting ourselves together as best we could, and 
throwing off the sluggishness and apathy of travel, we de- 
scended. All Bhurtpoor was out at the station, and the Ma- 
harajah at the head. The Prince was accompanied by the 
British officers attached to his court, and, advancing, shook 
hands with the General and welcomed him to his capital. The 
Maharajah looks older than his years, but this is a trait of most 
Indian princes. He wore a blazing uniform, covered with 
jewels. He has a firm, stern face, with strong features, a good 
frame, and, unlike his brother of Jeypore — who gives his days 
to prayers and his evenings to billiards, and although he has 
the Star of India, has long since seen the vanity of human glory 
and hates power — is a soldier and a sportsman, and is called a 
firm and energetic ruler. He would make a good model for 
Byron's Lambro, and there was a stern, haughty grace in his 
unsmiling face. From the station we drove to the palace, into 
a town whose dismantled walls speak of English valor and 
English shame, past bazaars, where people seemed to sell noth- 
ing, only to broil in the sunshine, and under a high archway 
into a courtyard, and thence to the palace. There was nothing 
special about the palace except that it was very large and very 
uncomfortable. The decorations were odd. There were one 
or two bits of valuable china, prints of an American circus 
entering London, an oil painting of our Saviour, various prints 
of the French and English royal families taken forty years ago. 
There were the Queen, the Prince Consort, Louis Philippe, 
Montpensier, and all the series of loyal engravings in vogue at 
the time of the Spanish marriages; all young and fresh and 

.2 INDIA. 

smiling faces, some of them now worn and gray, some vanished 
into silence. The palace seemed to be a kind of store-room, in 
which the keepers had stored everything that came along, and 
as you walked from wall to wall, passing from cheap circus 
showbills to steel engravings of Wellington and oil paintings 
of our Lord, the effect was ludicrous. The Prince does not live 
in this palace, but in one more suited to Oriental tastes. It 
was here where he received the Prince of Wales on the occa- 
sion of his visit in 1876. There was a breakfast prepared, 
which the Prince left us to enjoy in company with our English 
friends. You know in this country the hospitality of the high- 
est princes never goes so far as to ask you to eat. The rules 
of caste are so marked that the partaking of food with one of 
another caste, and especially of another race, would be defile- 
ment. Our host, at the close of the breakfast, returned in 
state, and there was the ceremony of altar and pan and cordial 
interchanges of good feeling between the Maharajah and the 

It was arranged that on our way to Agra we should visit 
the famous ruins of Futtehpoor Sikra. In the days of the 
great Mohammedan rulers there was none so great as Akbar. 
One of the trials to which this rich country — unfortunate India 
— has been subjected is that with every age there comes a new 
conqueror, a tide of new invaders. The law of conquest that 
the North should invade the South, that the sons of the snow 
should overmaster the children of the sun, that the men of the 
mountain should put their feet on the men of the valley, has 
had no better illustration than in the checkered destiny of Hin- 
dostan. It Avas a part of the marvelous career of Islam that 
its soldiers should come with fire and sword into these plains 
of Northern India. In 1565, about the time when the Span- 
iard was carrying the Cross into America, making his way into 
Mexico and the United States, and rooting out the glorious 
remnants of Arabian civilization in Andalusia, a Mohammedan 
prince fought the battle of Kistna. The Hindoos, under their 
rajah, gathered a mighty army, in which there were 20,000 ele- 
phants and 600 cannon. But all this power was unavailing, and 



the fate of the battle was that 100,000 Hindoos should be de- 
stroyed, that the rajah should be beheaded, and his head kept 
for years as a trophy. Out of this arose other wars, which it 
were unprofitable to dwell upon, and with them the foundation 

of the ])ower of Akhar. wlin is railed by historians "the pride 

of the Mogul dynasty," the greatest of the Mohammedan rulers 
of India. He was a soldier and prince. Early in life he was 
among the most devout of Moslems, but as years grew, and 
with years reason, ambition, and military success, he craved 
religious renown, and throwing aside his veneration for the 
Prophet, announced that there was no God but God, and that 
Akbar was his caliph. The proclamation of dogmas like this 

44 ' '^^'^■ 

and the dogma of papal infallibility is a privilege of supreme 
power. I presume that Akbar's heterodoxy was really a stroke 
of high statesmanship. He was in Hindostan. He was a sov- 
ereign. Among his subjects were millions of Hindoos. These 
Hindoos were attached to their faith with a devotion which we 
might envy in our cold, questioning age, and would have died 
for it with a patience which no modern martyrs could surpass. 
To have carried out the Prophet's mandate and slain his infi- 
del subjects would have been to destroy a docile and ingenious 
people, willing to work, carry burdens, and pay taxes. As a 
consequence Akbar threw aside the severe form of Islam, gave 
the Hindoos protection, asked them to share honors and power, 
and consolidated an empire. He married a Hindoo princess, 
and tried as far as was possible to make himself one with the 
people whom he had conquered, and over whom he hoped his 
children would reign. 

Akbar was induced to found the city and build the palace 
of Futtehpoor Sikra by the advice of a holy hermit. Akbar 
had children, who were taken from him, to his own grief and 
the peril of his dynasty. On his return from a campaign he 
|vas told by the hermit that if he would take up his residence 
on the top of a certain rock, where the air was good and where 
the hermit could have his eye upon him while praying, a son 
would come. This came to pass and the son was born, who 
was to be the Emperor Jehan Geer, or Conqueror of the 
World, to have a hard time of it in many ways, and die a vic- 
tim to his own follies and sin. So overjoyed was Akbar with 
the coming of the Conqueror of the World that he built a city, 
a palace, and a mosque on the site of the rock where the hermit 
lived. What remains of that undertaking is known as Futteh- 
poor Sikra. 

After leaving Bhurtpoor our road was through a series of 
villages and over a rolling plain. The sun beat fiercely upon 
our carriage, and we found what refuge we could under the 
leather curtains. Natives in various processes of squalor came 
hurrying after our carriages. In the mud huts we saw weavers 
at work, women grinding corn, tired laborers sleeping in the 


shade. There is a bit of poetry in a drama called " The Toy 
Cart," written by the Rajah Sudraka, which I have been read- 
int^ in one of the guide-books, so vivid that I am tempted to 
copy it as a native writer's picture of an Indian noon. 

" The cattle dozing in tlie shade 
Let fall the unchamped fodder from their mouths ; 
The lively ape with slow and languid pace 
Creeps to the pool to slake his parching thirst 
In its now tepid waters ; not a creature 
Is seen upon the public road, nor braves 
A solitary passenger the sun ; 
Among the sedgy shade, and even here 
The parrot from his wiry bower complains, 
And calls for water to allay his thirst." 

We drove on until we came to the first stage. The Ma- 
harajah had sent a guard with us — soldiers in heavy gilded 
uniforms, with fierce, eager, truculent eyes — to keep the rob- 
bers away. When we came to the first stage there were camels 
in waiting, and we had our first experience of camels in India. 
Two camels were hitched to each one of the carriages, and we 
drove off with a camel and pair. The road was hilly, and the 
camels are supposed to have more endurance than horses. 
Each camel carries a driver, and there is a third person who 
beats them with a goad or stick. The gait of the camel at 
first is a pleasant sensation, and the pace a good one. But in 
time it becomes wearisome, the constant bobbing up and down 
of the carriage under the uncouth, shambling gait of the beasts 
tiring you. The General got off in good style and made his 
way to the ruins without an adventure. The carriage in which 
Mr. Borie, the Colonel, Dr. Keating and I were riding was 
not so fortunate. Our animals seemed to have scruples of con- 
science about climbing the hill, and insisted upon stopping. 
No inducement could move them. The driver pronged them 
with his goad, called them names, adjured them by all the gods 
in the Hindoo mythology to make their way to Futtehpoor 
Sikra. There they stood. Perhaps under a severe pressure 
of the goad they would move a few paces and stop again. 



The camel is an imperturbable beast. He makes no display, 
shows no violent critical temper, does not jump or prance or 
resent the goading or the bad language. He moves his head to 
one side or the other, gives you an affectionate, imploring look, 
as though appealing to your sympathies, but does not move. 
He has gone beyond reason. He throws himself upon your 
generosity, but will not move. Here we were in India, on a 
lonely highway, the sun going down. Here the sun falls like 


a drop curtain at the play. There is no twilight. In an in- 
stant the sable clouds sweep over the earth and you are in 
darkness. To be belated on any road, hungry and dinner wait- 
ing, is disagreeable ; but in India, with servants around you 
who do not know English, away from any town or village, on 
your way to a ruin, knowing that when night comes the lords 
of the jungle will come forth, was certainly not what we came 
to India to see. We tried all experiments to encourage the 
camels, even to the extent of putting our shoulders to the 
wheels and urging them on. This had little effect, and we 


might have had a night bivouac on the highway if, after a long 
delay, the camels had not changed their minds, and, breaking 
into a speedy pace, carried us into the ruined city. The night 
had fallen, and the General, when we arrived, was strolling 
alone about the courtyard smoking his cigar. 

All that remains of Futtehpoor Sikra are the ruins. The 
various sections of the palace are given over to picnic parties 
and visitors. The British Collector at Agra has it under his 
charge, and those who come are instructed to bring their food 
and bedding. Mr. Lawrence, the Collector, was there to 
meet us, and our hotel keeper at Agra had sent all that was 
necessary. The General, Mrs. Grant, and Mr. Borie quartered 
in the ruin known as the Birbul House. The remainder went 
with Mr. Lawrence to another ruin about a hundred paces off, 
which has no name. The Birbul House is supposed to have 
been the home of Akbar's daughter, or, as some think, a house 
inclosed and made sacred for the women of his harem. It is a 
two-storied building, massive and large, and finished with a 
minuteness and delicacy that you never see even in patient . 
India. As a house alone, the mere piling of blocks of sand- 
stone one upon the other, the Birbul House would be a curious 
and meritorious work. But when you examine it you see that 
there is scarcely an inch that has not been carved and traced 
by some master workmen. It is all stone, no wood or iron or 
metal of any kind has been used to fashion it. The workmen 
depended upon the stone, and so sure was their trust that 
although centuries have passed since it was built, and genera- 
tions have ripened since it was abandoned, the work is as fresh 
and clean as though the artisan had only laid down his tools. 
So well did men work in those days of patience and discipline, 
and so gentle is the touch of time in Hindostan. 

Candles were found and tables were builded, and there, 
under the massive walls of Akbar's hearth, looking out upon a 
star-gemmed beaming Indian sky, we dined. And it seemed 
almost a sacrileg-e to brino- our world — our material world from 
far America, our world of gossip and smoking tobacco and 
New York newspapers, of claret and champagne — into the very 



holy of holies of a great emperor's palace, whence he came 
from wars and conflict to be soothed by gentle voices and 
caressed by loving hands. We were weary with our hard day's 
work, and after dinner found what rest we could. Mr. Borie 
was disposed to question the absence of windows, and had 
reasoned out the practicability of a midnight visit from a 
leopard or a panther or a wandering beast of prey. He con- 
trasted in a few vivid and striking sentences the advantages 
which Torresdale and Philadelphia possessed over even the 
palace of an emperor, to the detriment of Futtehpoor Sikra, 
and when a reasonable sum was suggested as a possible pur- 
chasing price, declined with scorn any prospect of becoming a 
land-owner in Hindostan. Our accommodations, although we 
were the recipients of Mogul hospitality, were primitive, and 
as you lay in the watches of the night and listened to the voices 
of nature, the contrast with what she says in India and at home 
was marked. The noisy beast in India is the jackal. He is 
the scavenger, and in day hides in a ravine or a jungle fastness, 
to come out and prowl about settlements and live on offal. 
The jackal and hyena in literature are formidable, but in Indian 
life are feared no more than a prowling, howling, village cur. 
I do not think that any of us were sorry when the early morning 
rays began to brighten up our ruined chambers, and the velvet- 
footed servants, in flowing muslin gowns, came in bearing tea 
and toast, and telling us that our baths were ready, and that 
another leaf had been turned in the book of time. 

The General does not regard early rising as a distinguishing 
trait, and some of the others were under the influence of his 
example ; but Mr. Borie was up and cheerful, and rejoicing in 
a white pony, which some magician had brought to his feet, 
saddled and bridled, to view the ruins. The sun had scarcely 
risen, and wise travelers, like Mr. Borie, always take the cool 
hours for their sight-seeing. But Mr. Borie is a very wise 
traveler, who allows nothing to pass him, and so our party 
divided. Mr. Lawrence said he would wait for the General; 
and the early risers, under the escort of two young ladies who 
had been passengers on the "Venetia," with Mr. Borie leading 



the van on his white pony, set out to view the ruins. To have 
seen all the ruins of this stupendous place would have included 
a ride around a circumference of seven miles. There were 
some ruins well worth the study. We went first to the quad- 
rangle, a courtyard four hundred and thirty-three feet by three 
hundred and sixty-six feet. On one side of this is the mosque, 
which is a noble building, suffering, however, from the over- 
shadowing grandeur of the principal gateway, the finest, it is 

said, in India, looming up out of the ruins with stately and 
graceful splendor, but dwarfing the other monuments and ruins. 
This was meant as an arch of triumph to the glory of the em- 
peror, " King of Kings," " Heaven of the Court," and " Shadow 
of God." There are many of these inscriptions in Arabic, a 
translation of which I find in Mr. Keene's hand-book. The 
most suggestive is this : " Know that the world is a glass, 
where the favor has come and gone. Take as thine own noth- 
ing more than what thou lookest upon." We were shown one 
chamber where the body of a saint reposes, and also a tomb 
VOL. n. — 4 


with a marble screen work of the most exquisite character. 
The prevailing aspect of the architecture was Moslem, with 
traces of Hindoo taste and decoration. The mosque, the 
tombs, and the gateway are all well preserved. At one of the 
mosques were a number of natives in prayer, who interrupted 
their devotions long enough to show us the delicate tracing on 
the walls and beg a rupee. It was mentioned as an inducement 
to engage one of tlie guides that he had done the same office 
for the Prince of Wales. But one of the pleasures of wander- 
ing among these stupendous ruins is to wander alone and take 
in the full meaning of the work and the genius of the men who 
did it. The guides have nothing to tell you. The ruins to 
them are partly dwelling-places, pretexts for begging rupees, 
and the guide who came on our track insisted upon showing us 
a well or a tank into which men jumped from a wall eighty feet 
high. Mr. Borie's resolution to see everything led us to accept 
the offer. On our way we met the General, who was also see- 
ing the ruins. It was proposed that we should all go to the 
well and see the men jump. But we could not tempt the Gen- 
eral. He did not want to see men jump, finding no pleasure in 
these dangerous experiments. As we came to the well, which 
was a square pond, with walls of masonry, the wall above was 
manned with eager natives, screaming and gesticulating. Mr. 
Borie singled out two, who threw off their few garments and 
made the jump. The motion is a peculiar one. Leaping into 
the air they move their legs and arms so as to keep their feet 
down and come into the water feet foremost. The leap was 
certainly a daring one, but it was done safely, and the divers 
came hurrying up the sides of the pond shivering and chattering 
their teeth to claim their rupees and offer to jump all day for 
the same compensation. 

An interesting visit, worthy of remembrance, was our drive 
to the Kutab. We drove out in the early morning, and our 
course was for eleven miles through the ruins of the ancient 
city. The whole way was through ruins, but it is worth noting 
as a peculiarity of these ancient cities that they drifted from 
point to point as improvements were made, and each generation 


drifted away from the line of its predecessor. The habit of 
beginning everything new and never concluding what your 
fathers began contributed to this habit of spreading over a large 
space, which might have been more compactly built. On our 
way to the Kutab we passed the monument of a daughter of 
Shah Tehan, whose memory is cherished as that of a good and 
wise princess. The epitaph, as translated by Mr. Russell, is 
worthy of preservation : — 

" Let no rich canopy cover my grave. 
The grass is the best covering for the poor in spirit. 
The humble, transitory Tehanara, the disciple of the holy men of Cheest, 
The daughter of the Emperor Shah Tehan." 

The Kutab, or tower, was for a long time looming over the 
horizon before we came to its base. This tower ranks among 
the wonders of India. It is two hundred and thirty-eight feet 
high, sloping from the base, which is forty-seven feet in diame- 
ter, to the summit, which is nine feet. It is composed of five 
sections or stories, and with each story there is a change in the 
design. The lower section has twenty-four sides, in the form 
of convex flutings, alternately semicircular and rectangular. 
In the second section they are circular, the third angular, the 
fourth a plain cylinder, the fifth partly fluted and partly plain. 
At each basement is a balcony. On the lower sections are in- 
scriptions in scroll-work, reciting in Arabic characters the glory 
of God, verses from the Koran, and the name and achievements 
of the conqueror who built the tower. It is believed that when 
really complete, with the cupola, it must have been twenty feet 
higher. The work goes back to the fourteenth century, and 
with the exception of the cupola, which, we think, some British 
government might restore, it is in a good state of preserva- 
tion. Everything in the neighborhood is a ruin. But the 
town itself seems so well built as to defy time. Another in- 
terest which attaches to the Kutab is that it is the site of 
one of the most ancient periods in the history of India. It is 
believed that there was a city here at the beginning of the 
Christian era, and one of the monuments is the iron pillar 
which was set up fifteen hundred years ago. The pillar is a 



round iron column, twenty-two feet high, with some inscription 
in Sanskrit character. There are several legends associated 
with the column, which have grown into the literature and re- 
ligion of the Hindoo race. The contrast between the modest, 
simple iron pillar and the stupendous, overshadowing mass of 
stone at its side might be said to typify the two races which once 

fought here for the empire 
of Hindostan — the fragile 
Hindoo and the stalwart 
Mussulman, The power of 
both have given way to the 
men of the North. We 
climbed the Kutab to the 
first veranda, and had a good 
view of the country, which 
was desolation, and, having 
wandered about the ruins 


and looked at the old inscriptions, and admired many fine bits 
of the ancient splendor which have survived time and war, we 
drove back to the city. 

It was early in the morning and the stars were out when 
we drove to the Agra station to take the train for Delhi. 
There is something very pleasant in an Indian morning, and 


the cool hours between the going of the stars and the coming 
of the sun are always welcome to Englishmen as hours for 
bathing and recreation. There is no hardship in seeing the 
sun rise, as I am afraid would be the case in America. The 
cool morning breezes were welcome as we drove down to our 
station and heard the word of command and the music, and saw 
the troops in line, the dropping of the colors and the glisten- 
ing of the steel as the arms came to a present. All our Agra 
friends were there to bid us good-speed, and as the train rolled 
out of the station the thunder of the cannon came from the 
fort. Our ride to Delhi was like all the rides we liave had in 
India during the day — severe, enervating, almost distressing. 
You cannot sleep, nor rest, nor read, and there is nothing in 
the landscape to attract. It is not until after you pass Delhi 
and go up into the hill regions toward the Himalayas that you 
begin to note the magnificence of Indian scenery, of which I 
have read and heard so much but as yet have not seen. We 
came into Delhi early in the afternoon, in a worn-out, fagged 
condition. There was a reception by troops, and the General, 
with Mrs. Grant, drove to Ludlow Castle, the home of Gordon 
Young, the chief officer. The others found quarters in a com- 
fortable hotel — comfortable for India — near the railway sta- 

The first impression Delhi makes upon you is that it is a 
beautiful town. But I am afraid that the word town, as we 
understand it at home, will give you no idea of a town in India. 
We think of houses built closely together, of avenues and 
streets, and people living as neighbors and friends. In India, 
a town is built for the air. The natives in some of the native 
sections, in the bazaars, live closely together, huddle into small 
cubby-holes of houses or rude caves, in huts of mud and straw ; 
but natives of wealth and Englishmen build their houses where 
they may have space. A drive through Delhi is like a drive 
through the lower part of Westchester County or any of our 
country suburbs. The ofiicials have their bungalows in the 
finest localities, near wood and water when possible, surrounded 
by gardens. What strikes you in India is the excellence of the 


roads and the beauty of the gardens. This was especially true 
of Delhi. As you drove from the dusty station, with the 
strains of welcoming music and the clang of presenting arms in 
your ears, you passed through a section that might have been 
an English country town with gentlemen's seats all around. 
This accounts for what you read of the great size of the Indian 
cities — that they are so many miles long and so many broad. 
It is just as if we took Bay Ridge or Riverdale and drew lines 
around them, and, calling them towns, spoke of their magnitude. 
This is worthy of remembering also in recalling the sieges of 
the Indian towns during the mutiny. There is no town that I 
have seen that could stand a siege like one of our compactly 
built English or American towns. They are too large. Delhi, 
for instance, was never invested during the mutiny. The pro- 
visions came in every day, and the soldiers could have left any 
time, just as they left Lucknow when Colin Campbell came in. 
The defense of a city meant the defense of the fort or the 

There are few cities in the world which have had a more 
varied and more splendid career than Delhi. It is the Rome 
of India, and the history of India centers around Delhi. It has 
no such place as Benares in the religion of the people, but to 
the Indians it is what Rome in the ancient days was to the 
Roman empire. One of its authentic monuments goes back 
to the fourth century before Christ. Its splendor began with 
the rise of the Mogul empire, and as you ride around the sub- 
urbs you see the splendor of the Moguls in what they built and 
the severity of their creed in what they destroyed. After you 
pass from the English section a ride through Delhi is sad. 
You go through miles of ruins — the ruins of many wars and 
dynasties, from what was destroyed by the Turk in the twelfth 
century to what was destroyed by the Englishman in the nine- 
teenth. The suburbs of Jerusalem are sad enough, but there 
you have only the memories, the words of prophecy, and the 
history of destruction. Time has covered or dispersed the 
ruins. But Time has not been able to do so with the ruins of 
Delhi. From the Cashmere gate to the Kutab, a ride of eleven 



miles, your road is through monumental ruins. Tombs, tem- 
ples, mausoleums, mosques in all directions. The horizon is 
studded with minarets and domes, all abandoned and many in 
ruins. In some of them Hindoo or Moslem families live, or, 
I may say, burrow. Over others the government keeps a kind 
of supervision ; but to supervise or protect all would be beyond 
the revenues of any government. I was shown one ruin — an 
arched way, beautiful in design and of architectural value — 


which it was proposed to restore ; but the cost was beyond the 
resources of the Delhi treasury. I have no doubt of the best 
disposition of the rulers of India toward the monuments and 
all that reminds the Hindoo of his earlier history. But these 
monuments were built when labor was cheap, when workmen 
were compelled to be content with a handful of corn, and when 
the will of the ruler was a warrant for anything that pleased 
him. So that even to a rich and generous government, con 
ducted on English principles, the restoration of the monuments 
would be an enormous tax. The English, however, are not 



apt to waste much money on sentiment. They did not come 
to India to leave money behind, but to taice it away, and all the 
money spent here is first to secure the government of the coun- 
try, and next to ameliorate the condition of the people and pre- 
vent famines. The money which England takes out of India 
every year is a serious drain upon the country, and is among 
the causes of its poverty. But if money is to be spent, it is 
better to do so upon works of irrigation that will prevent 
famines than upon monuments, which mean nothing to this 
generation, and which might all be destroyed with a few excep- 
tions without any loss to history or art. 

And yet it is sad to ride over these dusty roads and see 
around you the abounding evidences of an ancient and imperial 
civilization of which only the stones remain. Ruins — miles and 
miles of ruins — on which the vultures perch. I am thinking of 
a ride from the Kutab to Humayun's tomb, two of the noted 
spots in the Delhi suburbs, and which I think was as melan- 
choly, so far as the desolation was concerned, as any I ever saw. 
In Egypt the ruin is finished and you see only the sand. In 
the Holy Land there are the promises of an era when the tem- 
ples shall rise again in honor of the Lord, and the land will 
flow with milk and honey. In India you see the marks of the 
spoiler, the grandeur that was once paramount, and you see 
how hopeless and irreparable is the destruction. You contrast 
the fertility of nature with the poverty of man, never so marked 
in contrast as here, where the genius of man has done so much, 
and where the humblest flower that blooms in the fields has a 
life beyond it all. You rode through a city of ruins, which once 
was a capital of 2,000,000, and now has scarcely 250,000. You 
pass earthworks centuries old, which show the lines of the early 
struggles between Hindoo and Moslem. You see, as you study 
the ruins, that most of the work, even the most attractive, was 
in its day merely veneering, and somehow the suggestion comes 
that this Mogul reign, the evidences of whose splendor sur- 
round you, was in itself a veneering — that it had no place in 
India, was merely an outside coating which could not stand the 
wear and tear of time. Men pass you with hooded falcons on 


their arms and ask you to buy them. A covered carriage passes 
and you know that the inclosure is sacred to the presence of a 
Hindoo lady of high caste, who is always in seclusion. The 
bullock cart trudges slowly along. The burden bearers pass, 
carrying grass or twigs, carrying burdens on their thin, lithe 
limbs that would shame our stalwart sons. You see men at a 
well pumping water in Egyptian fashion for irrigation, for do- 
mestic uses, and women carrying water on their heads in stone 

Beggars are everywhere, for in India begging is a peren- 
nial growth. Monkeys climb on the walls, and stare and chat- 
ter and go scampering through the trees. The skies are gray, 
which is rare in India, and a cold wind comes over the plain. 
We have so much of the sunshine that we can glory in the mist. 
This tomb of Humayun, for instance, is one of the ruins that 
even a thrifty government with pensions to pay and an army to 
support should protect. It is not a beautiful work like the Taj, 
nor a stupendous work like Futtehpoor Sikra, and the prince for 
whom it was built was scarcely worth remembering. It differs 
from the Taj, among other things, in this — that while one was 
a monument of the love of a husband, this is the monument of 
the love of a wife. It is believed that the Taj was inspired by 
Humayun's tomb, as the design is the same in many essentials, 
and the one preceded the other by a century. To have in- 
spired the Taj is honor enough for any mausoleum, but the 
vastness of Humayun's tomb grows on you. You walk into a 
walled inclosure and over a wide courtyard, and ascend steps 
to a platform, from which you have a good view of Delhi in 
the distance and the suburbs. You enter the building, which 
is a series of high chambers, separated by marble walls, latticed 
and worked into screens. Here are eighteen tombs — modest 
blocks of marble, most of them without any name or design. 
It is known that Humayun rests here, and with him five of his 
royal descendants, and eleven others who were friends and coun- 
cilors of kings and thought worthy of a royal tomb. But only 
one tomb has really been identified — the tomb of Dara, the 
unhappy son of Shah Ishan, brother of Aurungzebe, and 

-g INDIA. 

treated by his brother as James II. treated Monmouth. The 
romance of his life ended in tragedy, and all that remains of it 
is the slender tomb in the mausoleum of his ancestor. 

Humayun's tomb, however, has a memory even more tragic 
in the history of the house of Tamerlane than that of Prince 
Dara. It was here that the dynasty came to an ignoble and 
a tragic end. When the English army stormed Delhi in 1857, 
plundering the town and putting the garrison and many of the 
inhabitants to the sword, the king with his wives and sons 
escaped, and took refuge in Humayun's tomb. The poor, old, 
foolish monarch, who had been hustled on the throne by the 
bayonets of the mutinous Sepoys, went by some instinct for 
refuge to the tombs of his ancestors. Here he was found by 
the English under Captain Hodson. You can understand the 
amount of valor that remained in the Delhi imperial family 
when you know that Hodson made the capture with a force of 
fifty native cavalry. The inclosure was filled with Moslem ref- 
ugees, three thousand, at least, the princes among them. Not 
a blow was struck. The old king came out, and, with trem- 
bling hand, gave his sword to Hodson, who told him he would 
kill him like a dog if any attempt was made at his rescue. 
This achievement, a single white man with fifty native troops 
carrying off an emperor from the mausoleum of his fathers, de- 
fended by thousands of his followers, should be ranked among 
the greatest deeds of military daring. It shows also the weak- 
ness, the cowardice, the despair of the imperial retinue. Be- 
hind works they had fought with valor. Defeated, they col- 
lapsed. The king was carried to the city and imprisoned in his 
own palace. The next day Hodson, with a hundred natives, 
an informer named Rujjab Ali, who had sold his honor for his 
life, and a young officer named Lieutenant Macdurall, came to 
the tomb. Inside of the inclosure were 3,000 Mussulmans, all 
armed ; outside, 3,000 more. Hodson demanded the uncondi- 
tional surrender of the princes. The armed men asked to be 
led against the English officers and their hundred men. But 
the princes, hoping against hope, supposing that the father hav- 
ing been spared there would be an extension of mercy, would 



not strike a blow. They came out in time in a small bullock 
cart, followed by two or three thousand Mussulmans. Hodson 
then entered the tomb, ascended the steps, and called on the 
mob to lay down their arms. The command was obeyed, and 
for two hours the two Englishmen and the hundred natives re- 
mained collecting the arms of men whose profession was war. 

The crowd having been disarmed and the arms piled in 
carts, Hodson rode on and joined his command, who were tak- 
ing the princes in the bullock cart into Delhi. They were 


then within a mile of the town, followed by the Mussulmans, 
Hodson imagined that there would be a rescue — really believed 
that men who, with arms in their hands, would see their king 
surrender without a blow, and who would lay down their arms 
at the command of two English ofificers, had spirit enough left 
to attempt the rescue. Accordingly he halted his men, put a 
guard of five horsemen across the road, ordered the princes to 
descend and strip and then mount the cart. He made a short 
address to his men, saying who these men were, and why they 
should die. Having done so he shot them with his own hand, 



"the Sikhs shouting with dehght." The princes who were 
killed were the nephew of the king, the son, and another of 
hio-h rank. Their bodies were taken into Delhi and for three 
days exposed on the ground. " The Sikhs said that on this 
very spot had been exposed the remains of Tegh Bahadur," 
the chief of their race, murdered by the Moguls, " nearly two 
hundred years before, to the insults of the Mohammedan crowd, 
and wondered at the fulfillment of their ancient prophecy." 
One of the ways of governing India, you will observe, is to 
arouse the passions and hatred of barbarians in past genera- 
tions and to make one race do the work of blood upon the 

In wandering about Delhi your mind is attracted to these 
sad scenes. What it must have been when the Moguls reigned 
you may see in the old palace, the great mosque of Shah Ishan, 
and the Kutab. On the afternoon of our arrival we were taken 
to the palace, which is now used as a fort for the defense of 
the city. We have an idea of what the palace must have been 
in the days of Aurungzebe. " Over against the great gate of 
the court," says a French writer who visited India in the sev- 
enteenth century, " there is a great and stately hall, with many 
ranks of pillars high raised, very airy, open on three sides, look- 
ing to the court, and having its pillars ground and gilded. In 
the midst of the wall which separateth this hall from the se- 
raglio, there is an opening, or a kind of great window, high and 
large, and so high that a man cannot reach to it from below 
with his hand. There it is where the king appears, seated 
upon his throne, having his sons on his side, and some eunuchs 
standing, some of which drive away the flies with peacocks' 
tails, others fan him with great fans, others stand there ready 
with great respect and humility for several services. Thence 
he seeth beneath him all the umrahs, rajahs, and ambassadors, 
who are also all of them standing upon a raised ground encom- 
passed with silver rails, with their eyes downward and their 
hands crossing their stomachs." " In the court he seeth a great 
crowd of all sorts of people." Sometimes his majesty would 
be entertained by elephants and fighting animals and reviews 


of cavalry. There were feats of arms of the young nobles of 
the court ; but more especially was this seat a seat of justice, 
for if any one in the crowd had a petition he was ordered to 
approach, and very often justice was done then and there, for 
" those kings," says a French authority, " how barbarous soever 
esteemed by us, do yet constantly remember that they owe jus- 
tice to their subjects." 

We were shown this hall, and by the aid of a sergeant, who 
walked ahead and warned us against stumbling, climbed up a 
narrow stair and came out on the throne. All the decorations 
have vanished, and it is simply a marble platform, "so high 
that a man cannot reach to it from below with his hand." The 
view from the throne embraced a wide, open plain, which could 
easily accommodate a large crowd, as well as give space for 
maneuvers, reviews, and fighting elephants. The hall even 
now is beautiful and stately, although it has been given over 
to soldiers, and the only audience that saluted General Grant 
during his brief tenure of the throne of Aurungzebe were groups 
of English privates who lounged about taking their ease, mak- 
ing ready for dinner, and staring at the General and the groups 
of officers who accompanied him. The last of the Moguls 
who occupied this throne was the foolish old dotard whom the 
Sepoys made emperor in 1857, and who used to sit and tear 
his hair and dash his turban on the ground, and call down 
the curses of God upon his soldiers for having dragged him 
to the throne. All that has long since passed away. The 
emperor lies in Burmah in an unknown grave, the site carefully 
concealed from all knowledge, lest some Moslem retainer should 
build a shrine to his memory. His son is a pensioner and 
prisoner at $3,000 a year. The rest of his family were slain, 
and the present house of the Mohammedan conquerors has 
sunk too low even for compassion. 

Notwithstanding the havoc of armies and the wear and tear 
of barrack life there are many noble buildings in the palace. 
This hall of audience, before the mutiny, was decorated with 
mosaic ; but an officer of the British army captured the mosaic, 
had it made up into various articles, and sold them for $2,500. 



From here we went to the hall of special audience, where the 
emperor saw his princes and noblemen, and which is known 
as the hall of the peacock throne. The site of this famous 
throne was pointed out to us, but there is no trace of it. 
Around the white marble platform on which the throne rested 
are the following words in gilt Persian characters : " If there 
be an elysium on earth, it is this, it is this, it is this." The 
peacock throne was simply a mass of jewels and gold valued at 
about $30,000,000. Mr. Beresford, in his book on Delhi, says 
it was called the peacock throne " from its having the figures 
of two peacocks standing behind it, their tails expanded, and 

the whole 
so inlaid 
with sap- 
phires, r u - 
bies, emer- 
alds, pearls, 
and other 


stones of ap- 
colors as to 
rep resent 
life. The 
throne itself 
was six feet 
long by four 

feet broad. It stood on six massive feet, which, with the body, 
were of solid gold inlaid with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds. 
It was supported by a canopy of gold, upheld by twelve pillars, 
all richly emblazoned with costly gems and a fringe of pearls 
ornamented the borders of the canopy." " On the other side 
of the throne stood umbrellas, one of the Oriental emblems of 
royalty. They were formed of crimson velvet richly embroid- 
ered and fringed with pearls. The handles were eight feet 
high, of solid gold, and studded with diamonds." The ceiling 
of this hall was of solid silver. In 1 739, when Nadir Shah, the 


Persian, took Delhi, he broke up the peacock throne and car- 
ried away the jewels, the Mahrattas came in 1 760 and took the 
silver, the Engflish the mosaics, the bath-tubs of marble, and 
articles of lesser value, so that the room of the peacock throne 
is now a stripped and shabby room, with no shadow of its 
former splendor. 

We went into the bath-rooms of the kings and the more 
private apartments. Some of those rooms had been ingen- 
iously decorated in frescoes, but when the Prince of Wales 
came to Delhi a ball was given him in the palace, and three 
frescoes were covered with whitewash. No reason was given 
for this wantonness, but that it was thought white would light 
up better under the ball-room lamps. I asked one of the offi- 
cers who accompanied us, and who told us the story with indig- 
nation, whether the decorations could not be restored, like the 
restorations in the mosque of Cordova. But there is no such 
hope. One of the most interesting features in a palace which 
has been already too much stripped vanishes before the white- 
wash brush of a subaltern. The same spirit was shown in the 
stripping of the great mosque called the Jam-Mussid. After 
the capture of Delhi in 1857 the troops plundered it, going so 
far as to strip the gilding from the minarets. This mosque 
even now is one of the noblest buildings in India. It stands 
in the center of the city, built upon a rock. In the ancient 
time there were four streets that converged upon the mosque, 
leading into various parts of the town. But as the mosque was 
used during the mutiny as a fort, all the space in front of it has 
been cleared for military purposes, and the space between the 
mosque and the palace that was formerly densely peopled is 
now an open plain, where troops may maneuver and cannon may 
fire. Nothing is more important in the civilization of India by 
the English than that the cannon should have range. In the 
days of the Moguls the emperors came to the mosque to pray. 
It is now a religious edifice, having been restored to the Mos- 
lems recently, after twenty years' retention by the British, a sort 
of punishment to the Moslems for their course during the 
mutiny. The ascent is up a noble, sweeping range of steps. 



These steps were crowded with people, who came out in the 
afternoon to enjoy the air, chatter, buy and sell, and fight 
chickens. On Friday afternoon, when there is service, and on 
fete days, the steps become quite a fair. As the General and 
party walked along, beggars and dealers in chickens and falcons 
swarmed around them, anxious for alms or to trade. One of 
the treasures in the mosque was a hair of Mohammed's beard. 
This holiest of Moslem relics is under a keeper, who has a 
pension for the service. He was a quiet, venerable soul, who 
brought us the relic in a glass case. The hair was long, and 
had a reddish auburn tinge which time has not touched. 
Another relic was a print of Mohammed's foot in marble. 
The footprint was deep and clear, and shows that when the 
Prophet put his foot down it was with a force which even the 
rocks could not resist. We strolled about the mosque, which 
is large and capacious, as should become the temple of an em- 
peror. A few devout souls were at prayer, but somehow the 
building had a neglected look. The mosque itself is 201 feet 
long and 120 feet broad, and the minarets 130 feet high. It 
was here that the Mogul emperors worshiped, and here was 
read the litany of the house of Timur. The last of these per- 
formances was during the mutiny in 1857, when the old king 
came in state, as his ancestors did, and reproduced the sacred 
story of the sacrifice of Abraham in the sacrifice of a camel by 
his own royal hands. 




UR visit to Lucknow was made pleasant by meeting" 
our friend W. C. Capper, Esq., who had been a fel- 
low-passenger on the " Venetia,"and whose guests we 
were during our stay in the ancient and memorable 
city. Mr. Capper is the chief judicial officer of this district, 
and lives in a large and pleasant house in the English quarter. 
Lucknow is the capital of the old kingdom of Oude, which was 
annexed in 1856 by the East India Company, under Lord Dal- 
housie. This peer is called by his admirers the great procon- 
sul, and his administration was celebrated for its " firm " and 
"vigorous" policy. The principles upon which his lordship 
acted were recorded in a minute of the East India Council 
passed in 1841, under the administration of Lord Auckland, 
which is worth quoting as one of the frankest annals of state- 
craft since the days of Rob Roy : " Our policy should be to per- 
severe in the one clear and direct course of abandoning no just 
VOL. II. — 5 65 

66 INDIA. 

or honorable accession of territory or revenue, while all exist- 
ing claims of right are scrupulously respected." Under this 
policy, during Lord Dalhousie's rule, the Sikhs were defeated 
and their army disabled, the Punjab was annexed, Pega was 
taken from Burmah, the principality of Ihousi was taken from 
the princes who ruled it, and who sought a terrible revenge in 
the mutiny, the kingdom of Oude was sequestrated, and its 
king pensioned at six hundred thousand dollars a year. Among 
the reasons for the annexation were the personal character of 
the kings, who passed their lifetimes within their palace walls 
caring for nothing but the gratification of some individual pas- 
sion, "avarice, as in one; intemperance, as in another; or, as 
in the present, effeminate sensuality, indulged among singers, 
musicians, and eunuchs, the sole companions of his confi- 
dence and the sole agents of his power." You will observe 
that whenever the company wanted territory or revenue there 
were always moral reasons at hand. It seems to an outside 
observer that the reasons for annexing the Oude dominions 
would have justified Napoleon in taking the dominions of 
George IV. 

There are few sights in India more interesting than the 
ruins of the residency in Lucknow, where, during the mutiny, a 
handful of English residents defended themselves against the 
overwhelming forces of the Sepoys until relieved by Havelock 
and Sir Colin Campbell. The story of that defense is one of 
the most brilliant in the annals of heroism, and will always re- 
dound to the honor of the British name. After the relief the 
garrison evacuated, and the Sepoys, unable to destroy the gar- 
rison, destroyed the residences. The ruins are as they were 
left by Nana Sahib. Living hands have planted flowers and 
built monuments to mark the events of the siege, and the 
grounds are as carefully kept as a garden park. Mr. Capper, 
who was one of the garrison during the siege, took General 
Grant to every point of interest — to the house of the commis- 
sioners ; to the cellars, where women and children hid during 
those fearful summer months ; to the ruins of Sir Joseph Fay- 
rer's house and the spot where Sir Henry Lawrence died ; to 



the erave of Havelock and Lawrence. We saw the Hnes of 
Sir CoHn Campbell's attack when he captured Lucknow, put 
the rarrison to the sword, and ended the mutiny. We drox-e 

around the town and saw the various palaces tliat remind you 
of the magnificence of the Oude dynasty, but whose grandeur 
disturbs the government, as they are too expensive to keep and 
too grand to fall into ruins. The Chutter Munzil, which was 



built by the king wlio reigned in 1827 as a seraglio, is now a 
club-house. Here the residents gave the General and party a 
ball, which was a brilliant and agreeable afiair. 

The main palace is called the Kaiser Bagh — a great square 
of buildings surrounding an immense courtyard. These build- 
ings are pleasant, with a blending of Italian and Saracenic 
schools, giving them an effeminate appearance, glaring with 
yellow paint. This palace cost, at Indian prices of labor, 
$4,000,000. A monument shows you where the British captives 
were butchered in 1857, for which deed Sir Colin Campbell 
took so terrible a revenge. We visited the Secunder Bagh, a 
palace built by the last king and given to one of his wiv-es, 
Secunder, whence it derives its name. This was carried by the 
British, who killed the two thousand Sepoys defending it. We 
visited other public buildings, all going back to the Oude dy- 
nasty, showing that the kings did not hesitate to beautify their 
capital. We saw the curious building called the Martiniere, a 
most fantastic contrivance, built by a French adventurer who 
lived at the court of the Oude kings, and built this as a tomb 
for himself and as a colletje. We akso visited the great Imam- 
bara, or Home of the Prophets, which in its time was the most 
noted building in Lucknow, and even now surprises you with 
the simplicity and grandeur of its style. It was used as a mau- 
soleum for one of the nobles of Oude, and in other days the 
tomb was strewed with flowers "and covered with rich barley 
bread from Mecca, officiating priests being in attendance day 
and night chanting verses from the Koran." It is now an ord- 
nance depot, and when General Grant visited it he was shown 
the guns and cannon-balls by a sergeant of the army. 

We drove through the old town, the streets narrow and 
dirty, and as we passed we noted that the people were of a 
different temper from those we had seen in other parts of India. 
Generally speaking a ride through a native town means a con- 
stant returning of salutes, natives leaving their work to come 
and stare and make you the Eastern salam — constant evi- 
dences of courtesy and welcome, of respect at least for the liv- 
ery of your coachman, which is the livery of the supreme au- 



thority, and signifies to the native mind tliat there is one whom 
the authority of England delights to honor. There was nothing 
of this in Lucknow. The people are Mussulmans, of the fierce, 
conquering race, on whom the yoke of England does not rest 
lightly, who simply scowled and stared, but gave no welcome. 
Pleasant it was to visit a mission school, under the chargfc of 
American ministers. The clergymen directing the mission re- 
ceived the General and his party at the mission, a spacious old 
house in the suburbs. The scholars — all females — were seated 
under a tree, and as the General came to the gate they wel- 
comed him by singing " John Brown." The pupils were bright, 
intelligent children, some of them young ladies. There were 
English, natives, and children of English and native parents. 
The missionaries spoke of their work hopefully, and seemed 
enthusiastic over what would seem to be the most difficult of 
tasks, the education of women in India. Woman has so strange 
a position in India that if she becomes a Christian her fate is a 
hard one. The Hindoo gives woman no career beyond the 
harem, and in the harem it seems that nothin"- would be so 
much a disadvantage as education. Caste comes in as an in- 
surmountable obstacle. The gratifying fact about missionary 
work is that many of these children are outcasts, waifs, aban- 
doned by their English fathers and native mothers, and saved. 
So that while nothing could apparently be more hopeless than, 
in a land where woman has no other resource than to live in 
seclusion and eat sugar-plums, to attempt to teach woman the 
higher aims of existence, I feel sure that the seed that is sown 
will not fall altogether on stony ground. I have seen no phase 
of the English experiment of governing" India more interesting 
than the apparently forlorn missionary enterprises of our Amer- 
ican clergymen. It is a work of self-denial. The result will 
scarcely be seen in this generation, but, among a people so 
much controlled by religious sentiment as the Hindoos, it must 
in the end have a beneficial effect. 

We have been spending these past few days amid scenes 
which have a strange and never-dying interest to Englishmen 
— the scenes of the mutiny of 1857. Among the men we meet 



every day are men who did their share in the defense of the Eng- 
lish empire during that dreadful time. What an interest it adds 
to your knowledge of any famous place to be able to see it with 
men who were there, to have them recall what they and their 
comrades suffered in defense of their lives, in the rescue of the 

lives of others, 
to save to Eng- 
land this rich and 
precious herit- 
age. "Here is 
where I saw 
poor Lawrence 
d i e." " Here 
is where they 
buried Have- 
lock." "Here is 
the cellar where 
our women hid 
during that fear- 
ful summer, with 
shot and shell 
falling every mo- 
ment." "That 
is the position 
captured by the 
English, where 
they killed one 
thousand seven 
hundred S e- 
poys." " Here 
is one of the trees where we hanged our prisoners. It used 
to be great fun to the old sergeant, who would say, as he 
dragged up the prisoners, ' What a fine lot of plump birds I 
have brought you this morning ! ' " " Here is where we used 
to stand and pot the rebels, and go to bed angry if we did not 
make a good bag." " Here is where we learned the terrible fas- 
cination blood has to our human nature, the delight of killing 


that SO grew upon us that I shudder now to recall it." You 
gather up remarks like this that have been made to you by 
various gentlemen and officers in Lucknow, Delhi, and other 
places visited by us in passing through the sections of India 
where the mutiny was in force. 

If the history of the mutiny were confined to the events of 
the years 1857 and 1858 it would give you a vague idea of its 
causes and consequences. The mutiny was the end of the rule 
of the East India Company and the beginning, of the rule of 
England. I think history will record that it was the end of one 
of the worst governments that ever existed, and I hope the be- 
ginning of one of the best. The rise and success of the East 
India Company, like that of slavery in America, is an incident 
in the development of Anglo-Saxon civilization that no English- 
speaking man can view without regret. It seems like carrying 
out an inscrutable decree of Providence that this rule should 
end in blood ; that those who sustained the company and con- 
doned its crimes, like those who sustained and condoned the 
crimes of slavery, should suffer the terrible penalty of suppres- 
sion. I am afraid I could write nothing more objectionable to 
many of the best friends I made in India than the opinion here 
expressed. But so I could write nothing more unpleasant to 
some of the best friends I have in Virginia and Louisiana than 
what I have said about slavery. There were features in the 
rule of the two powers that attracted those who saw it. There 
was an audacity of resource and a success in the achievements 
of men like Clive and Hastings, Wellesley and Dalhousie, 
which blinded the eyes of men to the morality of their deeds. 
But there was the same in the career of Napoleon, and men who 
will show you how necessary it was to suppress that magnifi- 
cent freebooter, how immoral were his conquests and spolia- 
tions, will glory over the English genius and the English pluck 
of a freebooter like Clive, who descended to forgery for success, 
or of a freebooter like Hastings, who allowed no moral scruple 
to interfere with the triumphs of his administration and the rev- 
enues of the East India Company. This is not the spirit in 
whicli history should be written, and the mere fact that what 

72 INDIA. 

the servants of the company did happened in another genera- 
tion should not allow us to pass it by without regret and con- 

The history of the company has many romantic phases. As 
a triumph of English skill and courage it is memorable. It 
began as a company of merchants in London who gained a 
foothold in Asia for purposes of commerce, and who kept on 
growing and increasing until the factory stores at Bombay and 
Calcutta have become an empire, and the government of the 
empire is the proudest task that can be given to an English- 
man. I pass over those portions of the company's history that 
are familiar to all readers, made so by the genius of Macaulay, 
and come to a period less known, the generation that preceded 
the mutiny. I have seen an ingenious parable on the subject 
of the company's conduct, written by an Englishman high in its 
service, which I will summarize. This writer supposes a com- 
pany of African merchants to receive permission to build a fac- 
tory on the southern coast of England. A defaulter takes 
refuge in the factory and the Africans refuse to give him up, 
and the African government send a fleet and punish the English 
for daring to demand one of their escaped criminals, and take a 
small portion of territory as a penalty. The Africans take part 
in English politics, inducing the Pretender to claim the throne. 
They place the Pretender on the throne, depose him, restore 
the old king, and again restore the Pretender, receiving in each 
case large bribes from the contending aspirants. They demand 
the right to trade, and insist that their goods shall come in free 
of duty, and that English goods shall be heavily taxed. They 
force the people to sell them goods at their own price to such 
an extent that general distress supervenes, and the sovereign 
abolishes all duties. This act of the sovereign, in protection of 
his people, is treated as a crime, and he is deposed. The Afri- 
cans persuade the new sovereign to disband his troops and rely 
on the Africans, who offer him support, he alone paying ex- 
penses. By and by they claim that their pay is in arrears, and 
gain the interest of the higher classes by promising them pro- 
tection. The result is, the king gives them territory for their 



claim, and they at once confiscate the estates of the noblemen 
living on the territory on one plea or another. They give pen- 
sions to these disinherited noblemen, which in time they reduce 
and disallow. A land tax is created which reduces the proprie- 
tors to beggary, and nearly all the estates are sold, the purchas- 
ers being in many cases clerks and menial servants who had 
been attending on the Africans. So they push on their increase 
of territory until in time they have all England, and they give 
the king a pension and lock him up in Windsor Castle. 

This parable of a supposed occupation of England by an 
African trading company is the manner in which an officer in 

the East Indian 

1 , J ^ fL 0, O 

service sketcned « i^ 

the rise of t h e 
East India Com- 
pany. A 1 1 that 
the directors o f 
the company re- 
quired from their 
agents was re- 
mittances — divi- 
dends. So long 
as money came in 
there was no com- 
plaint and no in- 
quiry. The only 5 
duty imposed 
upon the govern- 
ors was the rais- 
ing of m o n e y. 
To this end the 
Indians were ex- 
cluded from a 1 1 
offices of emolument. Trifling offices were thrown to them 
now and then, but the company wished all the revenues to come 
to England, and not be wasted on Hindoos or Mussulmans. 
There was no sympathy between the governed and the govern- 

THF. ec;g dance. 


ing — the whole system became one of "misrule, oppression, 
and injustice," and the demeanor of the rulers toward the ruled 
was " arrogant, supercilious, and insulting." Of course, these 
merchants in London were not disposed to tyranny. On the 
contrary, they filled their minutes and instructions to subor- 
dinates with the best advice, urging toleration and wisdom and 
kindness. But the subordinates found a postscript to every 
humane and benignant instruction relative to surplus revenue 
and remittances home, and when any agent ventured upon a 
scheme of freebooting in the company's service so gigantic and 
audacious as to attract the attention of the government, the 
company always supported the accused, giving him allowances 
and pensions. Consequently there was no temptation to do 
anything that would in any way affect the revenues, and when 
any ruler or governor showed a desire to conciliate the natives, 
or to introduce a more humane policy, he ■was reminded that 
what England needed was English pluck and vigor, and not 

The revenues of the country were collected on an oppress- 
ive principle — the most oppressive ever known. The arbitrary 
whim of a native chief who would oppress his people in one 
form to-day and in another to-morrow was succeeded by a 
skilled and trained government bent on revenue, and so driven 
by the necessities of the company in London, by the agents' 
anxiety to grow rich and go home, and the expenses of the army 
and the navy forces, that every penny that the ingenuity of the 
able men who ruled India could detect was scraped up and 
carried to England. Nothing was clearer or more humane 
than the instructions of the company against extortion, but 
there was always the postscript about money. So the native 
had to spend money for revenues, money to found some of the 
greatest fortunes in England, money for the servants of the 
company, money for their own affairs, money for the troops that 
kept them under British rule. The course pursued toward the 
company's servants by the company was selfish and mercantile. 
The minor servants were treated as mercenaries, and they de- 
veloped the vice of the mercenary. They knew when they 


were worn out they had no resource in the generosity or the 
equity of the company. They served a master who regarded 
them, not as servants of an empire, but as agents for tlie col- 
lection of revenue. Until the wisdom that came with experi- 
ence changed this policy corruption in India was the rule, and 
one of the strong points in the characters of Clive and Hastings 
was that they were bold and brave enough after they had ac- 
quired their own fortunes to strike corruption and bring it un- 
der control. But so long as the company ruled, the mercenary 
spirit was ever asserting itself and breaking beyond control. 
The fact that under the old plan new men were always coming 
into the country, and in positions of authority, prevented the 
adoption of any permanent code or custom. Every generation 
brought shoals of new men — hungry, eager, and able, who 
swarmed upon the country, gorged themselves, and hurried 
home to enjoy what they had gathered. It was not until in the 
generation preceding the mutiny that an attempt was made to 
remedy this by the establishment of a civil pension, and thus 
opening to men an opportunity for provision that depended 
upon their good conduct and not upon their rapacity. 

Another evil of the company's service arose from its exclu- 
sive character. The men who ruled India were a company, and 
they selected their own friends to fill the good places. Every- 
thing came from interest, and I was not surprised in my Indian 
journey to find how much even now India was under the con- 
trol of certain families. Of course the competition system is 
gradually putting an end to this and opening access to the 
worthiest. These early servants of the company could proclaim 
martial law. Over the native they held power of life and death. 
If any Englishman offended they could put him on board ship 
and send him to England. An editor was sent away for com- 
paring the English civil servants to grasshoppers. When a 
Supreme Court was established it became an engine of oppres- 
sion and patronage, and was used by the Governor-General to 
strengthen him against quarrelsome members of his council. 
Sometimes it hanged natives of high caste for political reasons. 
In the collection of revenue it was shown by the reports of the 



officials themselves that no system of native collection was so 
severe as British regulations. Land was confiscated for the 
most trifling reason, litigation was encouraged, and the result 

of this was that 
the native pass- 
ed from the ca- 
price of the offi- 
c i a 1 into the 
hands of law- 
yers, who soon 
established a 
class that for ra- 
pacity exceeded 
the government. 
Of course the 
lawyer came 
out to make 
money and re- 
turn home, and 
he used his 
power, the most 
delicate and 
subde known in 
our civilization 
— t he power 
over a client — to 
win large fees. 
Collectors of rev- 
enue were given judicial power in many cases, so that a man 
who came into a district to collect the revenues of the company 
and gather dividends had also the power of confiscation. Out 
of this came oppression and corruption. The more efficient the 
collector of revenue in the eyes of the company, the more op- 
pressive he was to the people, and as an English writer said at 
the time, "Each revolving day echoes the execrations of thou- 
sands, ay, of millions, on the authors of these laws for the misery 
which they have inflicted on misgoverned and plundered India." 



As to the Stories of personal indignity, contempt, and humili- 
ation visited upon the natives by the Englishmen, this seems to 
be a lesser evil, and is so much a part of governing human na- 
ture that it is hardly worth reciting. I do not suppose that it 
arose from any disposition to be harsh or unjust. The men 
who governed India in the earlier days were like other men — 
no better, no worse. The evil was not with the men, but with 
the system, and where you make government an ingenious and 
disciplined tyranny, the men who carry out the orders of the 
government are certain to be tyrants. It would be unjust to 
the servants of the company to suppose that there were no ex- 
ceptions to the rule. Some of the brightest names in India are 
those of self-denying Englishmen, who felt for the natives, en- 
tered into their condition, and gave their own lives to educating 
and developing the people. These Englishmen saw in the 
Indian something more than a beast of burden. They saw a 
race who, to use the words of Monier Williams, "compiled the 
laws of Menu, one of the most remarkable literary productions 
of the world ; who composed systems of ethics worthy of Chris- 
tianity ; who imagined the 'Ramayana' and ' Mahabarata,' 
poems in some respects outrivaling the ' Iliad ' and the ' Odys- 
sey ; ' who invented for themselves the science of grammar, 
arithmetic, astronomy, logic, and si.x most subtle systems of 
philosophy." The names of Heber and Duff will always be 
cherished by those who honor Christian virtue and the conse- 
cration of life to Christian duty. 

But the great company was to fall, and to fall amid out- 
rage, war, and blood. There are few tragedies in modern his- 
tory so terrible. We have been living for the past few days 
among the scenes of that sad event, and our minds have been 
drawn to it and to the causes. There is scarcely an author you 
read or a gentleman with whom you speak who does not have 
his own theory of the mutiny. The Rev. Dr. Duff attributes it 
to the failure of the British government to recognize the head- 
ship of our Lord Jesus Christ, to God's punishment for declin- 
ing to accept his promises, as an expiation for such crimes as 
the Robilla War. Lord Lawrence, who won his peerage in the 



country, says, "The mutiny had its origin in the army itself; it 
is not attributable to any external or antecedent conspiracy 
whatever, although it was taken advantage of by disaffected 
persons to compass their own ends ; the approximate cause 
was the cartridge affair and nothing else." It seems clear that 
the mutiny was the culmination of the century of misgovern- 
ment by the company of merchants who, resident in London, 
governed India for dividends. What is most striking about it 

r- .A- 


all is the fact that the men who raised their arms against the 
company were its pampered servants, its Sepoys, of whom the 
company took the utmost care in order that they might be used 
to keep down the people. These Sepoys were governed by 
the Brahmins, or priestly class, who had also been favored by 
the company, and by rajahs and princes like the Nana Sahib, 
who had been recipients of its bounty. The classes who re- 
mained patient during the mutiny were those who raked in the 
fields, upon whose labor the company depended for revenue, 
who had never been treated except as a servile class. It shows 


the patience of this pecuHar people that after a century of op- 
pression they did not raise an arm to free themselves. They 
felt the hopelessness of the task, for oppression had ended in 

Whatever may be the opinion as to the cause of this mu- 
tiny, the story of its suppression fitly closes the reign of the great 
company. How often is history written in the light of some 
one tragic overshadowing event, which may have been only a 
minor incident in the drama, but which is all that the world 
cares to dwell upon. The revolution against the Stuarts is re- 
membered and darkened by the execution of Charles I., and 
the fame of the greatest of Englishmen has had to suffer in the 
minds of the Engrlish nation because he killed a kinsf. The 
French Revolution has become a crime in the minds of the 
largest part of the civilized world, because of the execution of 
Marie Antoinette. All we know of the Commune in Paris is 
that the leaders shot the hostages, and all we know of the mu- 
tiny in India is the massacre of Cawnpore. The hearts of the 
civilized world are stirred to their depths by that awful and 
savage deed, and from the time you arrive in India you never 
pass a scene consecrated to the dead of 1857 or hear a story of 
the mutiny without being told of the women who were butch- 
ered by the Nana Sahib and thrown into the well of Cawnpore. 
Consequently what we know of the mutiny is this : that the 
wisest and best of rulers came to India to trade ; that their 
hearts were so moved by the scenes they witnessed of misgov- 
ernment and disorder that they interfered and gave India the 
best of governments — gentle, humane ; that suddenly, without 
cause and without warning, this ungrateful people arose and 
turned upon their rulers and massacred women and children, 
and were only suppressed after great sacrifices and exertions 
and the exercise of a severe justice, which, however, so humane 
were the rulers, was always tempered with mercy. 

And if any one has ever questioned the acts of the smallest 
subaltern in the service of the company, or asked a question as 
to what one or another may have done to bring about the mu- 
tiny, the answer is, " Remember Cawnpore." Poetry, fiction, 



art, and eloquence have summed up in this all that the world 
knows of the rebellion. But Cawnpore is only an incident in 
the history. The Sepoy rising was an event long foretold. I 
have read in a book published twenty-two years before the out- 
break, and written by a gentleman of rank and character, hold- 
ing the highest offices in India, a warning to the East India 
Company, telling them that unless the government was changed 
there would be a terrible sequel. Sir Charles Napier, who 
knew India well, warned the government not to trust the native 
soldiers. There were mutterings in various sections of India. 
Lord Dalhousie, whose career as Governor-General closed in 
1856, had carried out a policy of annexation which if not 
cliecked would have destroyed the independence of every state 
in India. The King of Oude, as I have said, in whose capital 
I am writing, and whose house had always been the ally and 
friend of the company, was driven out of his kingdom, given a 
pension of fifty thousand dollars a month, and his revenues and 
estates taken by the company. Lord Dalhousie was warned 
that a mutiny of the native army would follow this annexation. 
In Delhi men began to assemble from all parts of India, and it 
was noted that there were many conferences between men who 
were emissaries from discontented sections. Nothing is more 
easy than for emissaries in India to disguise themselves as reli- 
gious fanatics or mendicants and wander all over Hindostan. 
A native regiment was ordered to Burmah. The native has a 
religious aversion to the sea. It is against his caste to cross 
the black water. The regiment declined to go, and the author- 
ities yielded. This was an unfortunate, mischievous concession, 
for it gave the native an idea that because he was a soldier the 
government was afraid of him. Most of the Bengal Sepoys 
were men of a high caste, from the Brahmins and the warrior 
class of Rajpootana. Caste is guarded by one who possesses it 
as tenderly as a gentleman guards his honor. The man who 
lost caste lost the esteem of his friends, brought shame upon his 
family, could not have the consolations of religion, nor the so- 
lemnities of an honorable funeral. His punishment lasted into 
eternity. This punishment, as terrible as that which devout 



Christian men feel would be their lot if they committed the un- 
pardonable sin, will come from slight causes, such as eating the 
flesh of the cow, or washing the hands with soap that may be 
made of cow's fat. While the army was discontented with the 
annexation of Oude and the other manifestations of the vigor- 
ous policy of Lord Dalhousie, and general mutterings of dis- 
content were heard in disaffected sections, it was announced that 
a new rifle had been issued to the Bengal army, of the English 
pattern, and that this rifle would use the greased cartridge. 


This cartridge was made of the fat of the cow or the pig. The 
soldiers had to bite it before loading, and thus destroy their 
caste. They discovered this, and a panic spread. It was no 
surprise to the government, as a military official who knew the 
Sepoys warned the Governor-General of the possible conse- 
quences of issuing the cartridge. Another rumor was circulated 
that the new Governor-General, Lord Canning, meant to con- 
vert the whole Hindoo race to Christianity, and that to do this 
it was necessary first to destroy the caste of the Brahmin and 
the Rajput. There was another rumor that to further carry out 
Vol. II. — 6 

g2 INDIA. 

caste destruction bone dust, made of the bones of the cow, had 
been ground and mixed with flour. 

The Sepoy was a child in many things, and he leaned upon 
the government with the fidelity of a child. The word of the 
company was his bond. He depended upon it for his salt, his 
service, a pension when he was past service, a pension for his 
relatives should he fall. When suspicion took shape, and when 
it affected a matter as serious as the loss of caste, which meant 
dishonor in this world and misery in the world to come, it 
spread. Bad men, agents of the dethroned princes and disap- 
pointed rajahs ; fanatical Brahmins, who were ever preaching 
and prophesying the fall of England, took advantage of this 
discontent and fanned it. While the government in Calcutta 
were pottering over the affair, and generals of true British 
mettle were declaring that they would never recede on the car- 
tridge question — never yield to the beastly prejudices of the 
Sepoys — the spirit of mutiny was spreading like an epidemic. 
There were many centers of disaffection. There was the King 
of Oude, lately removed from his throne amid circumstances 
that called forth the severest reprobation in England, and 
whose agents were in England claiming the intervention of 
the British government. There was the Emperor of Delhi, de- 
scended from Tamerlane, the Grand Mogul, living in Delhi as 
titular king, knowing that when he died his title would die 
with him and not be continued to his sons. The Emperor rep- 
resented one of the great names of history, and was regarded 
with fanatical devotion by millions of Moslems, whose occupa- 
tion of India was a part of the glories of his house. In Luck- 
now was a young prince, descended from a Mahratta house, 
heir to that Peishwar of the Mahrattas who had been dethroned 
by the company in 1818 and allowed a pension of four hundred 
thousand dollars a year. When the old prince died the govern- 
ment stopped the four hundred thousand dollars a year, and told 
the heir that he might live on the money which had been saved 
by the Peishwar. The young man tried to win his pension, 
sent an agent to London to entreat for it, learned that the Eng- 
lishman had one rule as to property for princes of the houses of 



Howard and Cavendish and another for princes of older, and, in 
Moslem eyes, more illustrious houses, and that all things in 
India — rank, caste, privilege, property — were at the mercy of a 
company of merchants ravenous for dividends, and who held 
India by the same tender and considerate ties with which they 
would hold a railroad or a limited hog-killing company. This 
man was the Nana Sahib, and although deposed, the chief of 
the Mahratta race, a cunning and brave race who had struck 
many a blow in Indian history. Moreover, the prophets and 
priests had been at work, and in India no influence is more 
powerful. They had been reading the stars and the holy books, 
and the divine oracles had said that the reign or raj of the Eng- 
lish would only last a hundred years; that the gods had pun- 
ished the people by putting the company over them, but only 
for one hundred years. This period would soon come to an end, 
for on June 23d, 1857, would occur the hundredth anniversary of 
the battle of Plassey, the batde in which Clive founded the 
British empire in Hindostan. And as if to crown it all, news 
came from Europe that England had suffered so much in her 
Russian war that her power was feeble. It was believed that 
Russian intrigue, then as lively an element in the imagination 
of English public men as now, was at work. " It has long been 
suspected," writes the distinguished missionary. Doctor Duff, 
"that Russian spies under various guises have been success- 
fully at work inflaming the bigotry of the Mussulmans and the 
prejudices of the high-caste Hindoo. Some disclosures are said 
to have been made which may some day throw light on this 
Russian treachery." Persia, whose ruler was chief of the faith 
professed by most of the Hindoo Moslems, was, under Russian 
influence, supposed to be sowing sedition. 

It was known in January, 1857, in Calcutta at least, that 
the spirit of mutiny was abroad, that soldiers were holding 
night meetings, and that the prete.xt was the greased cartridge. 
Toward the end of February there was a slight mutiny at Bar- 
rackpoor, a beautiful country station on the river near Calcutta, 
where the Viceroy has a summer house. It was suppressed by 
the hanging of a soldier and a native subaltern. But it only 



broke out again in a new form, and in May Dr. Duff, writing 
from Calcutta, speaks of "a crisis of jeopardy such as has not 
occurred since the awful catastrophe of the Black Hole of Cal- 
cutta." During the winter and spring months the spirit of 
mutiny was spreading, and there were various methods of re- 
pression — hanging a man now and then, disbanding regiments, 
and so on. On the 9th of May the blow was struck. Evi- 
dently the mutineers waited until the hot season, when the Eng- 
lish would be in the hills, and they could fight them at a disad- 
vantage. The commander-in-chief was in the hills shooting. 
He was a soldier of the old stamp, who, knowing that the 
Koran forbade the Moslem to shave his beard, issued an order 
compelling his Moslem soldiers to shave. In Meerut there was 
a parade of native cavalry. The officers told the soldiers that 
they were expected to show the other men an example of sub- 
ordination, and to take the cartridges. They were told that it 
was not necessary to bite the greased end, but open it with the 
fingers. The soldiers protested, saying that to do this would 
offend their faith and make them the scorn of their fellow-caste 
men. The general insisted, and cartridges were offered to 
ninety soldiers. Eighty-five refused, were tried by court-mar- 
tial, and sentenced to hard labor for ten years. On the morning 
of May 9th, 1857, the condemned men — troopers of the Brahmin 
and Rajput class, descended from the sacred and military castes, 
from the nobility of Hindostan — were brought out before the 
garrison on parade, stripped of their uniforms, the manacles 
hammered on their legs, and sent off to ten years' hard labor. 
There was no excitement. The general commanding observed 
none, and wrote a report bearing testimony to the order and 
respect which the native troops had shown while the manacles 
were being hammered on the limbs of the troopers. The next 
evening (Sunday) at five a rocket was fired in the Sepoy quarters. 
In a second the men seized their arms and fired. Four officers 
who tried to quell the mutiny were slain. The jail was broken 
open, the prisoners set free, and the manacles knocked off their 
limbs. In addition to the troopers 1,400 convicts escaped to 
desolate and lay waste. The European troops were held back 



by a wretched fool of a general, while the Sepoys set to work 
to destroy every bungalow and murder the officers. Women 
and children were seized, tormented, slain. Thirty-one Euro- 
peans in all lost their lives in Meerut. The mutineers marched 
toward Delhi unmolested, unpursued. The general seems to 

SlKi.K f)F I.rCKNOW. 

have been a helpless old creature, and made a poor show. But 
when the soldiers saw the bodies of the Europeans who had 
been slain and mutilated they lost control of themselves, and 
finding no Sepoys to punish they "rushed through the bazaars 
killing all who came in their way." 

Then all India flamed into mutiny. The King of Delhi 
was proclaimed emperor, and opened his court in the beautiful 

86 J^^DiA. 

palace which is even now one of the wonders of the world — 
the palace of the Peacock Throne. The Europeans were mas- 
sacred, women and children among them. The work of mur- 
dering women and children does not seem to have been the 
inspiration of the Nana Sahib, as our readers may suppose, but 
the wickedness of mutinied soldiers and convicts who had es- 
caped from jail. The horrible scenes of Meerut were repeated 
in Delhi ; women were killed defending their children ; the banks 
and the treasury were robbed. The whole business at the 
beginning seems to have been a mutiny, a riot, a mob of the 
worst character, committing those acts of savage and unreason- 
ing cruelty which we have observed in the history of all mobs, 
from the ruffians in Paris who carried the head of a French 
princess on a pike, to the ruffians in New York who hanged 
negroes on lamp-posts for no other reason than that they were 
helpless and black. In many cases — and how gracefully we 
linger on them — faithful servants sheltered their masters, car- 
ried off children to safety. In this mutiny you see little hu- 
manity on the part of the Indian, little mercy on the part of the 
Englishman. It was war upon the body and the soul. The 
punishments inflicted by the English were punishments which, 
in the eyes of the sufferer and of those who looked on, con- 
demned him to eternal infamy. This is what I mean by mak- 
ing war on the soul. It is as if, when our authorities at home 
hanged a Catholic felon who had received absolution, they 
made him as he was about to die desecrate the Sacred Host. 
But remember the provocation and remember the position in 
which those in authority found themselves. The barbarities of 
the Sepoys cannot be described. They murdered without pity. 
The stories of our own Indian wars, of the savage slaughter 
and the unspeakable outrages committed upon women and 
children, were repeated in Hindostan, with the distinction that 
the men who did these things in Hindostan were soldiers who 
had been pampered by the English, or princes like the King of 
Delhi or the Nana Sahib, princes of ancient lineage, who 
adopted these measures of cruelty from policy and revenge. 
The flame of mutiny swept over the whole of the northwest 



provinces. It broke out in the Punjab. Even in Bombay 
men were blown from the guns for sedition. Calcutta was in a 
panic. On May i8th, Dr. Duff gave it as his opinion that 
" nothing but some gracious and signal interposition of the God 
of Providence seems competent now to save our empire in 
India." In June a massacre was expected in Calcutta. Eng- 
lishmen and all who resided in that city of European and 
American race offered their services as special police. Citizens 
took refuge in the fort and turned every bungalow into a de- 
fense. Messengers went from house to house to warn the resi- 
dents. The panic passed over. The mutineers did not know 
their power, and very soon forces came from Burmah. But one 
incident is worth noting as showing the spirit of the noble- 
hearted men who had gone out to educate and reform the 
people. "I note the fact," writes Dr. Duff, "to the praise and' 
glory of God, that, though the Mission House be absolutely 
unprotected, in the very heart of the native city, far away from 
the European quarter, I never dreamed of leaving it, never 
thought of getting musket or sword or any other weapon of 
defense, never spoke of apprehended danger before the servants, 
and never even asked them to be careful in lockino- the doors 
and outer gate. I say this to the praise and glory of God, as 
it was he that preserved my partner and myself from all fear. 
' Unless the« Lord the city keep, the watchmen watch in vain,' 
was everlastingly on our lips. We felt this as an absolute truth, 
and trusted in it." 

Beautiful amid these scenes of horror, panic, massacre, and 
treason is the picture of this stout old Scotch clergyman, whose 
name lives among the heroes of India, relying alone on the 
promises of the sacred Word, calm amid danger and death. 
Englishmen will find many things in the history of the mutiny 
to make them proud of their race. If the government of India, 
under the rule of the company, had been marked by no other 
consideration than revenue gain, no matter by what means 
obtained, the defense of India, when the few defenders were 
suddenly confronted by a mutiny which soon became a rebel- 
lion, brought out the noblest traits of the English race. The 



feeble generals in command at the beginning died or were put 
aside. New men came to the front. Delhi was invested. 
Here the Mogul king established his sovereignty. He seems 
to have been a foolish, wretched old man, and, although he was 
tried and convicted afterward of having given an order for the 
massacre of women and children, it appears to have been the 
work of the savage soldiers. 
The city under native rule 
became a mob. Native 
Christians or natives who 
h were exe- 
cuted. There was no sure 
supply of food. The Se- 
poys were dissolute, disre- 


garding discipline, breaking into citizens' houses, dishonoring 
their families. The doting monarch held his court daily in the 
marble halls of the Grand Moguls, which look out upon some 
of the fairest valleys in India, upon a country studded with 
mosques and temples, studded with the ruins of an ancient and 
glorious civilization. On Fridays he went in state to the 



mosque to hear read the Htany for the house of Timur. He 
commanded neither authority nor respect. Crouched on the 
throne of Aurungzebe, he mumbled and chatted about Allah 
and fate, and when the Sepoys came and bullied him, tore his 
hair and called down God's curses upon those who had led him 
into the valley of bitterness. A shell burst in his palace and 
made so great an impression upon him that he retired to the 
Xoorthul with his wives. Then he offered to give up Delhi 
and the palace if his life and the lives of his sons were spared. 
The green banner of the Moslem was unfurled. In all the 
Delhi mosques were fanatics preaching death to the English. 
Ambassadors were sent to Persia, to Cabul, and Cashmere to 
coax assistance, to lead native princes to break their allegiance. 
Let it be remembered that the father of Shere Ali, the man 
whose throne the English have upset, was loyal to England at 
a time when a wave of his hand would have sent his warlike 
Afghans swarming in a destructive horde upon the Punjab. 
There were prophets and magicians to keep up the imperial 
spirit by hopeful prophecies and omens. The soldiers would 
submit to no authority. The Hindoos and Mohammedans 
fought because the latter wished to kill the sacred cow. Some- 
times the merchants were murdered for demanding the price 
of their goods. Starvation and crime were paramount. 

On the 20th of September the siege of Delhi came to an 
end, and the town was stormed and taken. The gallantry of 
the assault can only find a parallel in the noblest annals of hero- 
ism. The Cashmere gate was blown open by men who offered 
their lives. But once in the town the glory of the capture was 
stained by cruelty. The soldiers, whose courage had been 
warmed before the assault by a double ration of grog, broke 
into liquor stores and reveled in rum and champagne. The 
mutineers fought with courage and fury. British soldiers, 
many of them, fell down drunk, and even some of the (,;uards 
were surprised and slain. What interfered with the assauU was 
the plunder of wine shops and bazaars. Brandy and wine were 
destroyed to keep the army from degenerating into a helpless 
drunken mob. The plunder of the city was promised to the 

90 ^^'^''^■ 

army, but the native soldiers of the British corps carried off 
costly stuffs and sometimes women. Citizens of the town, many 
of whom were known to have wished well to the English, were 
shot as they knelt and asked for mercy. Wounded Sepoys 
were dragged out of their hiding-places and put to death. 
The palace was taken, and all who were in hiding were put to 
the bayonet. The king and his sons escaped to the majestic 
pile in the suburbs of the city called the tomb of Humayun, to a 
fate which has been described. 

Fallen Delhi became the city of sorrow and desolation. It 
was torn and plundered, abandoned to the jackals and crows. 
The minarets of the mosques were stripped of their gilding. 
The warehouses were pillaged. Houses were abandoned and 
their furniture thrown about the streets. Natives swarmed 
about robbing houses. English soldiers became peddlers, and 
English officers carried away jewels and shawls and the marble 
ornaments of the palace. Private soldiers kept their carriages 
out of the proceeds of the plunder, and shrewd native mer- 
chants came into the army and purchased for a song from tipsy 
and ignorant soldiers the richest trophies of the imperial city. 
The population fled to the tombs and jungle. Twenty-nine 
members of the royal house were taken and executed. The 
siege over, the city a British prize, the empire of the Moguls 
stamped out, the doting old king a prisoner and nearly all of 
his family slain, the bazaars, mosques, and palaces pillaged and 
all the wounded put to death, then British military justice as- 
sumed a colder and more formal tone. " Offenders," says one 
writer who took part in the siege, "who were seized were 
handed over to a military commission to be tried. The work 
went on with celerity. Death was almost the only punish- 
ment, and condemnation almost the only issue of a trial." " It 
was sufficient to prove that any man had helped the rebel 
cause with provisions or stores for him to be put to death. 
Between two and three hundred were hanofed." Terrible as 
this sounds now, written long after the event, there was an out- 
cry in India over the weakness of the conquerors. Although 
the Nawab of Thuggur had saved the lives of Europeans, it was 



proved that he had shown sympathy with the King of Delhi 
and had sent him money. He was tried and executed, just as 
Nana Sahib would have been executed if he had been taken. 
It is, we are now told, only because women and children were 
slain that British justice was so terrible in India. But British 
justice was no less terrible in dealing- with men who had pro- 
tected women and children, but had taken up arms against the 
rule of a company of London merchants who governed the 
country for dividends. 

To conquer the mutiny it was not deemed beneath the dig- 
nity of the company's rulers to appeal to the superstition and 
fanaticism of rival races, to summon up the hatreds of genera- 
tions and turn one breed of savage men loose upon another. 
There is a tribe in India called the Sikhs, a fanatical sect, who 
follow the teachings of a fifteenth-century philosopher, and be- 
lieve in a simpler faith than Islam or Brahminism. The Sikhs 
practiced universal toleration. They taught peace with all 
mankind. Such a teaching was in violation of the Moslem idea, 
and the Moslem King, Bahaden Shah, who reigned in the time 
of James I., made war 
upon them and put their 
chief to death. Their 
faith assumed another 
phase. From devo- 
tees they became fa- 
natics. They took a 
vow to become sol- 
diers, wear blue 
clothes, never shave, 
and always carry steel. 
As the result of various 
wars they were d e - 
stroyed as a sect; their 

leader was carried to Delhi and torn to pieces with hot pincers. 
But the spirit of the sect did not die, and at the time of the mu- 
tiny it had again risen to be a formidable and warlike commu- 
nity, animated with one idea — hatred of the Mohammedan, and 

A iUUKl'.I'. W.iiCKiCI 

^2 INDIA. 

a desire to avenge the death of their chief. This spirit was one 
of the most active agencies in the suppression of the mutiny, 
and British rulers did not hesitate to invoke it. In the Punjab 
the Silchs were organized and sent to Delhi, and in the Punjab 
was seen an illustration of British rule which quite won the 
hearts of England at the time, and led to the highest honors 
being bestowed upon the company's agents who ruled there. 
The policy of Sir John Lawrence was to strike at once, and 
strike terribly ; not to wait for overt acts, but to crush out every 
semblance of restlessness, or even curiosity, as leading to sedi- 
tion. "When in doubt," he said, "win the trick. Clubs are 
trumps, not spades." Lawrence determined to use his power 
unsparingly. The story of the government of the Punjab dur- 
ing the crisis has been written by a gentleman high in author- 
ity at the time — Frederic Cooper, Deputy Commissioner at 
Umritsir — and from his account I gather my facts. The civil 
government was not interrupted by mutiny. The roads were 
open and safe to Europeans all through the province. But it 
was necessary to send terror into the hearts of those who might 
contemplate repeating at Lahore the crimes of Lucknow. 
"Treason and sedition," says Mr. Cooper, " were dogged into 
the very privacy of the harem, and up to the sacred sanctuaries 
of mosques and shrines. Learned moulvies were seized in the 
midst of a crowd of fanatic worshipers. Men of distinction and 
note were wanted at dead of night. There were spies in the 
market place, in the festival, in the places of worship, in the 
jails, in the hospitals, in the regimental bazaars, among the 
casual knot of gossipers on the bridge, among the bathers at 
the tanks, among the village circle around the well, under the 
big tree, among the pettifogging hangers-on of the courts, among 
the stonebreakers of the highways, among the dusty travelers 
at the serais." Of course a government like this, whose meas- 
ures Mr. Cooper recites with so much enthusiasm, was not to be 
trifled with. Letters were found addressed to persons hinting 
at treason. The persons to whom they were addressed were 
hanged. Men were hanged on laconic indorsements. " I have 
ordered them all to be hanged. — R. M." "All right. — J. L." 



The motto of General Nicholson for mutineers was "a la lan- 
terne." Two men, subordinates, were accused of "having failed 
in their duty to the state," and were hanged. When it was 
necessary to raise money the merchant class was called on for a 
loan. " Threats of hanging and of breaking up their doors were 
necessary to overcome their distrustful avarice. No one who 
knows what an excessively bad set of men these are will have 
any sympathy for them." 

But the most famous achievements of Mr. Cooper he tells 
with a sense of humor that shows how amusing even the sup- 
pression of mutiny may become. A subordinate officer of a 
native regiment was hanged. On his person were found about 
four hundred and fifty dollars. He asked what was to be done 
with this money, "having, no doubt," says Mr. Cooper, in a 
playful mood, "in his mind some testamentary disposition to 
make, and revolving therein the question as to residuary lega- 
tees." " He was informed," says Mr. Cooper, in the same airy 
tone, " that after deducting eighty-four rupees (forty-one dol- 
lars), the price of the gallows on which he was to swing, the 
balance would be credited to the state." The Twenty-sixth 
native infantry had been disarmed in May and kept under 
guard. On July 30th some madman in the regiment killed the 
major. The author of this murder was a favorite named Pra- 
kash Pandy, who rushed out of his hut, called upon his com- 
rades to rise, and seeing the major killed him. The sergeant- 
major was also slain. The Twenty-sixth had served with dis- 
tinction in many campaigns, notably in the Afghan campaign 
of 1842. It was thought the fugitives would run south to Delhi 
to join the king. But they took a northern direction, away 
from the war, anxious to reach Cashmere, to be out of India. 
They had no guns. There was a drenching rain and the coun- 
try was almost flooded. The troops came up with them, shoot- 
ing one hundred and fifty and driving them into the river, 
drowned inevitably, "too weakened and famished as they must 
have been after their forty miles' flight to battle with the flood." 
The main body escaped, swimming and floating to an island, 
" where they might be descried crouching like a brood of wild 



fowl." Mr. Cooper started out to capture them. He had with 
him an aged Sikh chief, and he explained to the Sikh that he 
proposed to capture the fugitives " after the model of the fox, 


the geese, and the peck of oats." When Mr. Cooper explained 
this fable to the Sikh and the other chiefs, it "caused intense 
mirth," and we can imagine the high spirits with which the 
party set about the enterprise. The doomed men with joined 


palms, the Hindoo attitude of entreaty, crowded into the boats 
and were brought on shore. " In utter despair forty or fifty 
dashed into the stream and disappeared." No order was given 
to fire, and the fugitives, says Mr. Cooper in a spirit of playful- 
ness, became possessed of a "sudden and insane idea that they 
were going to be tried by a court-martial after some luxurious 
refreshment." So they were brought on shore, one by one, 
tightly bound, their decorations and necklaces ignominiously 
cut off " Some begged that their women and children might 
be spared, and were informed that the British government did 
not condescend to war with women and children." They were 
marched to the town, "the gracious moon," Mr. Cooper inform- 
ing us, coming out through the clouds, and reflecting herself 
in myriad pools and streams to " light the prisoners to their 

They arrived at midnight. Next morning at daybreak Mr. 
Cooper took his seat. He had two hundred and eighty-two 
prisoners, besides numbers of camp followers. He sent his 
Mohammedan troops, fearing they might hesitate to shoot Mo- 
hammedans, to a religious festival, and alone with his "faithful 
Sikhs" proceeded to do justice. " Ten by ten," says Mr. Cooper, 
"the Sepoys were called forth. Their names having been 
taken down in, succession, they were pinioned, linked together, 
and marched to execution, a firing party being in readiness. 
Every phase of deportment," says Mr. Cooper, in a critical, ob- 
servant spirit, " was manifested by the doomed men, after the 
sullen firing of volleys of distant musketry forced the conviction 
of inevitable death — astonishment, rage, frantic despair, the 
most stoic calmness." One detachment as they passed yelled to 
the solitary Anglo-Saxon magistrate (Mr. Cooper himself), as 
he sat under the shade of the police station performing his 
solemn duty with his native officials around him, that he, the 
Christian, would meet the same fate. Then as they passed the 
reserve of young Sikh soldiery who were to relieve the execu- 
tioners after a certain period, they danced, though pinioned, 
msulted the Sikh religion, and called on Gungajee to aid them ; 
but they only in one instance provoked a reply, which was in- 



stantaneously checked. Others again petitioned to be allowed 
to make one last salam to the Sahib. About one hundred 
and fifty having been thus executed, one of the executioners 
swooned away (he was the oldest of the firing party) and a little 
rest was allowed. Then proceeding, the number had arrived 
at two hundred and thirty-seven, when the district ofificer was 
informed that the remainder refused to come out of the bastion, 
where they had been imprisoned temporarily a few hours be- 
fore. Expecting a mob and resistance, preparations were made 
against escape, but little expectation was entertained of the 
real and awful fate which had fallen on the remainder of the 
mutineers. They had anticipated by a few short hours their 
doom. The doors were opened, and behold, they were nearly 
all dead. Unconsciously the tragedy of the Black Hole had 
been re-enacted. No cries had been heard during the night in 
consequence of the hubbub, tumult, and shouting of horsemen, 
police tehseel guards, and excited villagers. Forty-five bodies 
dead from fright, exhaustion, fatigue, heat, and partial suffocation 
were dragged into light and consigned, in common with all the 
other bodies, into one common pit by the hands of village 
sweepers. One Sepoy was too much wounded to be shot, and 
was sent to Lahore, along with forty-one subsequent captives, 
where they were all blown from cannon. The assembled natives, 
says Mr. Cooper, expected to see the women and children 
thrown into the pit, and because this was not done " marveled 
at the clemency and the justice of the British." 

The men who acted as executioners were Sikhs, barbarians 
filled with a traditional hatred of the men they slew. The man 
who ordered the execution was the agent of a company of Lon- 
don merchants, who held India for revenue. Mr. Cooper's 
superiors approved his acts. Sir John Lawrence informed him 
that he had acted with energy and spirit, and deserved well of 
the state. The judicial commissioner was more enthusiastic. 
"My dear Cooper. ... It will be a feather in your cap as 
long as you live." "You will have abundant money to reward 
all, and the (executioners) Sikhs should have a good round sum 
given to them." "You have had slaughter enough. We want 


a few for the troops here (to be blown from cannon), and also 
for evidence." "The other three regiments here were very- 
shaky yesterday, but I hardly think they will now go. I wish 
they would, as they are a nuisance, and not a man will escape 
if they do." The spirit in which the mutiny was suppressed 
may be understood from this letter of a judge who was impa- 
tient with his prisoners because they would not run away, and 
give him the luxury of a hunt in the jungle and a grand battue 
like that of Mr. Cooper in Umritsir. 

The close of the mutiny was the fall of the company. Pub- 
lic opinion arose against a system which had brought so much 
dishonor upon the English name and which culminated in a 
tragedy so terrible. With the close of the mutiny the whole 
character of the English administration changed. The com- 
pany was dissolved, and India passed under the direct control 
of the Crown. 

VOL. 11. — 7 



)T was late in the evening when we arrived in Benares. 
The day had been warm and enervating, and our 
journey was through a country lacking in interest. 
Long, low, rolling plains, monotonous and brown, 
were all that we could see from the car windows. At the va- 
rious railway stations where we stopped guards of honor were 
in attendance, native troops in their white parade costumes and 
officers in scarlet, who came to pay their respects to the Gen- 
eral. The Viceroy has telegraphed that he will delay his depart- 
ure from Calcutta to the hills to enable himself to meet General 
Grant. In return for this courtesy the General has appointed 
to be in Calcutta earlier than he expected. He has cut off 
Cawnpore, Lahore, Simla, and other points in Northern India 
which had been in his programme. Then the weather is so 
warm that we must hurry our journey so as to be out of the 


TRAVEL L\ IXniA. gg 

country before the hot season is really upon us and the mon- 
soon storms bar our way to China. It is a source of regret to 
the General that he did not come earlier to India. Every hour 
in the country has been full of interest, and the hospitality of 
the ofificials and the people is so generous and profuse that our 
way has been especially pleasant. What really caused this 
delay was the General's desire to take the American man-of- 
war " Richmond," which has always been coming to meet him, 
but has never come. But for his desire to accept the courtesy 
of the President in the spirit in which it was offered, the Gen- 
eral would have come to India earlier. If the General had 
waited for the "Richmond" he would never have seen India, 
and from the pace she is making in Atlantic waters, it would 
probably have taken him as long to go around the world as 
it did Captain Cook. 

Travel in India during the day is very severe. The only 
members of our party about whom we have anxiety on the 
ground of fatigue are Mr. Borie and Mrs. Grant. The friends 
of Mr. Borie will be glad to know that he has stood the severest 
part of his journey around the world wonderfully well, consid- 
ering the years that rest upon him and his recent illness. Mr. 
Borie is a comprehensive traveler, anxious to see everything, 
who enters into our journey with the zest and eagerness of a 
boy, and whose amiability and kindness, patience under fatigue, 
and consideration for all about him, have added a charm to our 
journey. Mrs. Grant has also stood the journey, especially the 
severer phases of it, marvelously, and justifies the reputation 
for endurance and energy which she won on the Nile. As for 
the General, he is, so far as himself is concerned, a severe and 
merciless traveler, who never tires ; always ready for an excur- 
sion or an experience, and as indifferent to the comforts and 
necessities of the way as when in the Vicksburg campaign he 
would make his bivouac at the foot of a tree. There is this 
military quality in traveling on the General's part, that he will 
map out his route for days ahead from maps and time-tables, 
arrange just the hour of his arrival and departure, and never 
vary it. In the present case the wishes of the Viceroy, who has 



been most cordial in his welcome, and who is anxious to go to 
the hills, has shortened our trip and changed the General's 
plan. What we shall do after leaving Calcutta is uncertain. 

If the "Rich- 
mond" is in 
reach, or there is 
some other ves- 
sel of the navy 
within reach, the 
General will take 
her for the pur- 
pose of visiting 
some of the out- 
of-the-way points 
outside of the 
beaten track of 
travel. He will 
also go to Ma- 
dras, and see the 
Duke o f Buck- 
ingham, and to 
Ceylon. If she 
has not entered 
the Indian Ocean 
the General will 
keep on with such passenger lines as he can find. 

We were all tired and frowsy and not wide awake when the 
train shot into Benares station. The English representative of 
the Viceroy, Mr. Daniels, came on the train and welcomed the 
General to Benares. Then we descended, and the blare of 
trumpets, the word of command, with which we have become 
so familiar, told of the guard of honor. The General and Mrs. 
Grant, accompanied by the leading military and civic English 
representatives and native rajahs, walked down the line with 
uncovered heads. The night was clear, a full moon shining, 
and the heavens a dome of light, which softened the landscape 
and seemed to bring into picturesque prominence the outlines 



of the sacred city. One could well Imagine that Benares, the 
eternal city, favored of the gods, might always look as it did 
when we came into it. The blending of uniforms, the English 
officers in scarlet, the native princes in rich and flowing gar- 
ments blazing with gems — on one side the line of armed men, 
on the other a curious crowd of Indians — all combined to make 
the scene Oriental and vivid. In honor of the General's com- 
ing the road from the station to the Government House had 
been illuminated. Poles had been stuck in the ground on 
either side of the road, and from these poles lanterns and small 
glass vessels filled with oil were swinging. So as we drove, 
before and behind was an avenue of light that reminded us of 
one of the Paris boulevards as seen from Montmartre. It was 
a long drive to the house of the Commissioner, but even this 
and the fatigue of one of the severest days we had known in 
our experience of Indian travel were recompensed by the grace 
of our welcome. A part of his house Mr. Daniels gave to 
General and Mrs. Grant and Mr. Borie. For the others there 
were tents in the garden. Although it was late, after supper 
we sat on the veranda for a long time, talking about India, 
England, and home, fascinated by the marvelous beauty of the 
night — a beauty tha't affected you like music. 

You must do your sight-seeing in India early in the morn- 
ing or late in the afternoon. And so it was arranged that 
the short time we could give to Benares should be fully occu- 
pied. In the morning we should go to the temples and sail 
down the Ganges, so as to have a view of the bathing places, 
the spots where the bodies are burned, the pilgrims bathing in 
the holy waters, the terraced sides of the city, its Moslem tur- 
rets and Hindoo domes. This arranged we repaired to our 
tents to find what rest the few hours that remained before 
dawn would give. Tent life in India is the most pleasant way 
of living. Your tent is capacious, with four sides, and Is really 
a double tent — one over the other. This allows the air to cir- 
culate and gives you a passage way around, and room for all 
manner of comforts. I had heard so much of animal life In 
India that I walked about my tent with a feeling of inquiry as 

I02 /-V/V.-'. 

to whether a cobra might not be coiled up in the straw, or 
whether some friend of the jungle might not include our camp 
in the list of his wanderings. But the cobra, although the 
deadliest of snakes, is not much about until the. rains come, and 
as we are in India in the dormant season we are not apt to see 
cobras. Here the servant, who sleeps on the ground at the 
tent door, has been beating the straw with a stick, for he has as 
much interest in the cobra question as I have. The only ani- 
mal from the jungle that ever visits your camp is the jackal, and 
he is a cowardly brute, who only comes for offal. Wild ani- 
mals avoid fire, and I observed that the servants who attended 
our small camp put a burning oil taper just outside of the door. 
That flickering taper would be as sure a guard against the 
jackal, against any animal of the jungle, as a battery of artil- 
lery. No power would induce even a tiger to come near it. 
My servant gives me all this information with comforting assur- 
ance, and so, after strolling over to the other tents, apparently 
to say good-night to the Colonel and the Doctor, but really, I 
suppose, to have another look at the skies and breathe the odor 
of the flowers, I retired. Before the sun was up the servant 
came floating in — I suppose it is the white, flowing muslin 
gowns and their noiseless step that give you the idea of floating 
— with tea and toast, and told " Sahib " that the carriages were 
coming for our drive to the holy temples of Benares. ' 

Benares, the sacred city of the Hindoos, sacred also to the 
Buddhists, is one of the oldest in the world. Macaulay's de- 
scription, so familiar to all, is worth reprinting, from the vivid- 
ness with which it represents it, as we saw it to-day. " Bena- 
res," says Macaulay, in his essay on Warren Hastings, "was a 
city which in wealth, population, dignity, and sanctity was 
among the foremost in Asia. It was commonly believed that 
half a million human beings were crowded into that labyrinth 
of lofty alleys, rich with shrines, and minarets, and balconies, 
and carved oriels, to which the sacred apes clung by hundreds. 
The traveler could scarcely make his way through the press of 
holy mendicants and not less holy bulls. The broad and stately 
flights of steps which descended from these swarming haunts 



to the bathing places along the Ganges were worn every day 
by the footsteps of an innumerable multitude of worshipers. 
The schools and temples drew crowds of pious Hindoos from 


every province where the Brahminical faith was known. Hun- 
dreds of devotees came thither every month to die, for it was 
believed that a peculiarly happy fate av.'aited the man who 

I04 '^'^^'^■ 

should pass from the sacred city into the sacred river. Nor 
was superstition the only motive w^hich allured strangers to that 
great metropolis. Commerce had as many pilgrims as religion. 
All along the shores of the venerable stream lay great fleets of 
vessels laden with rich merchandise. From the looms of Bena- 
res went forth the most delicate silks that adorned the halls of 
St. James and Versailles ; and in the bazaars the muslins of 
Bengal and the sabers of Oude were mingled with the jewels 
of Golconda and the shawls of Cashmere." Benares to one- 
half the human race — to the millions in China who profess 
Buddhism and the millions in India who worship Brahma — is 
as sacred as Jerusalem to the Christian or Mecca to the Mo- 
hammedan. Its greatness was known in the days of Nineveh 
and Babylon, when, as another writer says, " Tyre was plant- 
ing her colonies, when Athens was gaining in strength, before 
Rome had become known, or Greece had contended with Per- 
sia, or Cyrus had added to the Persian monarchy, or Nebu- 
chadnezzar had captured Jerusalem." The name of Benares 
excites deep emotions in the breast of every pious Hindoo, and 
his constant prayer is, " Holy Kasi ! Would that I could see 
the eternal city, favored of the gods ! Would that I might die 
on its sacred soil ! " 

Benares is the city of priests. Its population, notwithstand- 
ing Macaulay's estimate, is less than two hundred thousand. 
Of this number from twenty to twenty-five thousand are Brah- 
mins. They govern the city and hold its temples, wells, 
shrines, and streams. Pilgrims are always arriving and going, 
and as the day of General Grant's visit fell upon one of the 
holiest of Indian festivals we found it crowded with pilgrims. 
Sometimes as many as two hundred thousand come in the 
course of a year. They come to die, to find absolution by 
bathing in the sacred waters of the Ganges. The name comes 
from a prince named Banar, who once ruled here. The Hin- 
doo name, Kasi, means "splendid." There is no record of the 
number of temples. Not long since one authority counted 
one thousand four hundred and fifty-four Hindoo temples and 
two hundred and seventy-two Mohammedan mosques. In ad- 


dition to the temples there are shrines, cavities built in walls 
containing the image of some god, as sacred as temples. 
Pious rajahs are always adding to the temples and shrines. 
One of the rulers of Jeypore offered to present one hundred 
thousand temples, provided they should be commenced and fin- 
ished in one day. " The plan hit upon," says the Rev. Mr. 
Sherring, who tells the story, " was to cut out on blocks of 
stone a great many tiny carvings, each one representing a tem- 
ple. The separate blocks, therefore, on the work being com- 
pleted, exhibited from top to bottom and on all sides a mass of 
minute temples." It is believed that there are a half million of 
idols in the city. The effect of the British rule has been to in- 
crease the idols and temples, for the law of the British gives 
protection to all religions, and under this the Hindoo has been 
able to rebuild the monuments which the Mohammedan invad- 
ers pulled down. Aurungzebe, who flourished at the close of 
the seventeenth century, and to whom Benares owes a promi- 
nent and picturesque mosque, was the chief among the destroy- 
ers of images. To Aurungzebe the Hindoos attribute the 
overthrow of most of the shrines which made Benares famous 
in other days. Since the Hindoos have been guaranteed the 
possession of their temples the work of rebuilding has gone on 
with increasing zeal. It is noted, however, perhaps as an effect 
of what Islam did in its days of empire, that the monuments of 
the later Hindoo period are small and obscure when compared 
with what we see in Southern India, where the power of the 
idol-breakers never was supreme. The temples are small. The 
Hindoo, perhaps, has not such a confidence in the perpetuity 
of British rule as to justify his expressing it in stone. And 
when your imagination is filled with all you have read of the 
mighty monuments of India, you are disappointed to see so 
many of their temples toy buildings, which have nothing of the 
force and grandeur of the Moslem mosques. 

It is not in the nature of the Hindoo to find an expression 
for his religion in stone. All nature, the seas, the streams, the 
hills, the trees, the stars, and even the rocks, are only so many 
forms of the Supreme Existence. Why then attempt to ex- 



press it in stone ? That belongs more particularly to Islam and 
Christianity, who know only one God, and exhaust the re- 
sources of art to magnify and glorify his name. There is 
more true worship in the dome of St. Peter and the nave of 
Canterbury than in all the temples of India. What you see in 
Benares is not a stately but a picturesque city, with every vari- 
ety of Hindoo worship meeting you at every turn. It is in- 
deed a teeming town. The streets are so narrow that only in 

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IP'-^^"^ m 

— • 

■'1BJ»,"II ■ -^ 

K^i'u ''d| 


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the widest can even an elephant make his way. They are 
alleys — narrow alleys, not streets — and as you thread your way 
through them you feel as if the town were one house, the 
chambers only separated by narrow passages. The absence of 
carriages makes it a silent town — as silent as Venice — and all 
you hear is the chattering of pilgrims moving from shrine to 
shrine. Many of the alleys were so narrow that two of us 
could not walk abreast. I am afraid Benares is not a savory 
city. The odors that come from the various temples and court- 
yards, where curs, priests, beggars, fakirs, calves, monkeys, 



were all crammed, might have been odors of sanctity to the 
believers in Vishnu ; but to us they were oppressive and pre- 
vented as intelligent and close a study of the religion as some 
of us might have bestov^^ed. Yet our procession was Oriental. 
The Commissioner, Mr. Daniels, had provided sedan chairs 
for the party. These chairs were heavy, ornamented with gold 
and brass, mounted on poles, and carried on the shoulders of 
four bearers. They are used by persons of rank, and the rank 
is also expressed by carrying over the head an embroidered silk 
umbrella in gaudy colors. When we came to the outskirts of 
the town our chair-bearers were waiting for us, and the Gen- 
eral was told that he might take his place. But the idea of 
swinging in a gaudy chair from a pole, with attendants before 
and behind calling upon the people to make way, and a dazzling 
umbrella over his head decorated with all the colors of the rain- 
bow, was too much for the General. He preferred to walk. 
Mrs. Grant was put in one chair, and Mr. Borie, whose health 
is such as to make every little aid in the way of movement wel- 
come, was in another. The General and the rest of the party 
made their way on foot. We were accompanied by several 
ofificers of the British residency, and, as we wound along the 
alleys from temple to temple, were quite a procession. In the 
eyes of the population it was a distinguished procession, for the 
uplifted chairs, richly decorated, the swaying of umbrellas cov- 
ered with silver and gold, the attendants in the British govern- 
ment livery— all told that there was among us one whom even 
the Englishmen delighted to honor. But I am bound to say 
that the admiration, the respect, the wondering gaze, the low- 
bent salam, which everywhere met us, and which were intended 
for the General, were bestowed on Mr. Borie. The General, 
wearing his white helmet, walked ahead with Mr. Daniels un- 
noticed. Mr. Borie was in the chair of honor, and to the na- 
tive mind the occupancy of that chair was the advertisement of 
his rank and fame. There was something, too, in our friend's 
white full beard, his thin gray locks, and the venerable features 
which was not unbecoming what the natives expected to see in 
the ex-President. Mr. Borie, who is as polite a man as ever 


lived, returned all the salutes that were given him, and bore 
with good humor the raillery of some of the party, who accused 
him of imposing himself upon the people of holy Benares as 
General Grant. But one of the most frequent incidents of our 
Indian trip, as we stop at stations or stroll around the platform 
waiting for a train, is that the crowd should single out Mr. 
Borie's reverend face as that of the General, and bestow upon 
it their curiosity and admiration. 

Benares, the holy city — holy even now in the eyes of more 
than half the human race — whose glories, religious and civic, 
have been forgotten in the noise and glitter of our recent 
civilization, leads me into a subject so profound and picturesque 
that the contemplation of it is bewildering. I mean the religion 
of India. In all religious questions we who come from a Cath- 
olic and Presbyterian world are so accustomed to see nothing 
beyond our horizon that we are staggered when we come face 
to face with laws and commandments and institutions that ruled 
the civilized world long before Jesus sailed on the Sea of 
Galilee. Something of this we saw in Egypt, and there was a 
shiver to old traditions, to all we knew of Pharaoh and Moses 
and the lessons of the nursery, in what we saw on the Nile. 
Observation was a conflict between reason and education, and 
I am not sure where we should have fallen but for the consol- 
ing fact, from a religious point of view, that Egypt was in 
ruins, and whenever we found our faith coming to a precipice 
there was ruin around us, and we could turn to the prophets 
and read the lamentations and maledictions and see a fulfill- 
ment of everything, of the moanings of Jeremiah and the in- 
vectives of Isaiah, in the awful desolation which had fallen 
upon that sunny and glorious land. So, taken as a whole, our 
faith was strengthened and soothed by what we saw on the 
Nile. But no such comfort remains to us in India. There are 
no texts to explain Brahma or the mysteries of Buddha, and 
we are disconsolate over the idea that our holy seers confined 
themselves to so small a tract of the globe in their revelations 
and prophecies, and left behind them, almost unnoticed, this 
vast and teeming world. When we felt oppressed by the ruins 


of Karnak or the crumbling splendors of Dendorah, when we 
found ourselves overmastered by the chronology of the pyramids 
or the tablet of Abydos, it was sweet to turn to Isaiah : " I 
will set the Egyptians against the Egyptians ; and they shall 
fight every one against his brother, and every one against his 
neighbor; city against city and kingdom against kingdom." 
So, on the whole, we came out of Egypt firmer in our faith, 
and not disposed to discredit the earlier teachings of life. But 
in India we are lost. There are no ruins to assuage our fears. 
We are in presence of a living and a continuous civilization, in 
whose presence even Paul was as of yesterday, and whose in- 
fluence has been felt for centuries in our Christian world. 
Dynasties have fallen, empires have passed away, cities have 
been sacked. The Englishman quarters his troops in the palace 
of the Peacock Throne, and the descendant of Timur lives in 
Burmah on a pension of three thousand dollars a year ; but the 
literature, the religion, the customs of Hindostan are as firmly 
planted as they were twenty centuries ago ; and, although Eng- 
land has the power to dethrone every prince in India, and 
pillage every treasury and shrine as effectively as she pillaged 
the treasuries of Delhi and the shrines of Bhurtpoor, she has 
not been able to make a Hindoo gentleman break bread with 
an Englishman — not even with the Prince of Wales. There 
is a force here which is above the sword, and that force is 
embodied in the laws and religion of Hindostan. 

And here we are in presence of it, in holy Benares. I feel 
it incumbent upon me to tell you from this sacred city, the 
fountain-head, something of the religion of Hindostan. You 
can know nothing of India without knowing a little of the forms 
of faith and the priestly government in a country the most 
devout and the most priest-ridden in the world. India is the 
paradise of priests. In other countries the sacerdotal function 
has to manage for itself. Even in Spain, perhaps the most ad- 
vanced in a religious point of view of civilized nations, times 
are not as tolerant as in other days. But in India the priest is 
supreme. The parasite has covered the oak and smothered it, 
and all the best phases of Indian life are only seen in a priest- 

I lO 


hood the most selfish, the most intolerant, and the most subtile 
the world has ever known. We can trace the origin of this 
power in the early laws of the Hindoos. Their written law 
goes back to the ninth century before Christ, and these rec- 
ords are based upon religious works written centuries before. 
It is safe to say that in considering the phases of Indian reli- 
gion and Indian civilization 
we are considering a faith 

that has been in active pow- 
er for three thousand years. 
We learn, then, that when 
these laws were propounded 
the priest had made himself 
a holy class. There were 
four classes, or castes, al- 
though the number has mul- 
tiplied indefinitely. There 
was first, above all, and in- 
finitely superior to all, the 
priestly class or the Brah- 
mins. Then came the mili- 
tary or warrior class, from 
which were chosen sovereigns 
and generals. Then came 
the industrious or artisan 
class. Beneath these, and 
so far beneath that they are 
no more considered than the dogs in the gutter, is what is 
known as the servile class. 

Here there are human beings arranged according to ancient 
ultramontane notions. The priest comes first. The world is 
made for him, and other men depend upon him. If he is angry 
and curses, his curses can overturn thrones, scatter troops, even 
destroy this world and summon other worlds into existence. 
He is above the king in dignity. His life is sacred, and no 
matter the enormity of his crime, he cannot be condemned to 
death. In return for this he accepts severe and self-denying 



THE BRAH.Miy. j j j 

discipline. When he becomes a Brahmin he takes three vows — 
that he should read the Vedas or Hindoo scriptures, perform 
the regular sacrifices, and beget a son. The idea of giving a son 
to the world is among the most sacred of his obligations. In 
the early period of his priesthood he humbles himself by servile 
offices, and begs for alms from door to door. In the second 
period he lives with his wife, discharges family duties, reads 
the scriptures, teaches, begs, gives in charity. Under certain 
circumstances (and here a door is opened which has been taken 
advantage of largely by the priests) they may engage in trade, 
but they must neither sing nor dance nor engage in games nor 
do any light or trivial thing. The period of activity over, he 
goes into the woods and lives as an anchorite, " living without 
food, without a house, in silence, eating only roots and fruits." 
In the last period he returns to the ordinary walks of society, 
"cultivates equanimity," and meditates on the Deity, and so 
lives in composure until the end comes, and he leaves this world 
"as the bird leaves the branch of a tree at its pleasure." In 
all kingdoms the post of prime minister was held by a Brahmin. 
The Brahmins taught the princes and sat in judgment. They 
were the judges, and they alone could expound the scriptures. 
Other classes might read them, but it was given to the Brahmin 
to tell their meaning. It was the duty of the king and of all 
subjects to be liberal to Brahmins. If persons did not give 
handsomely, they risked prosperity, future happiness, and the 
enjoyment of all organs of sense. If any one stole a Brahmin's 
money the offense was capital. These were the rules of the 
priestly class thirty centuries ago. Many changes have been 
made, but few compared with changes in other features of civ- 
ilization. They have held themselves an exclusive and supreme 
class in spite of every influence. They have preserved their 
lineage with a fidelity and purity which no aristocracy in the 
world can equal. Many practices have been abandoned, but 
the rule against marrying with an inferior class has never been 
altered. They have gradually entered into all branches of com- 
merce and trade. While doing this they have not surrendered 
their religious power ; and the Brahmin's thread, which marks his 


sacred caste, even in the shoulder of a mendicant, is an ob- 
ject of respect to other classes, no matter how wealthy or pow- 

The Brahmins are the strongest social and religious force 
in Hindostan. Benares is their city. The policy which founded 
the Order of Jesuits has often been cited as a masterpiece of 
government, of combining the strongest intellectual force toward 
missionary enterprise. But the Order of Jesuits is a society 
under rules and discipline only binding its members. The 
Brahmins not only govern themselves as rigidly as the Jesuits, 
and hold themselves ready to go as far in the service of their 
faith, but they have imposed their will upon every other class. 
Men of the world, men in other callings, use the name of Jesuit 
as a term of reproach, and even Catholic kings have been 
known to banish them and put them outside of civil law. 
There is not a prince in Hindostan who would dare to put a 
straw in the path of a Brahmin. As an aggressive influence 
Brahminism showed its power in its war upon Buddhism. The 
worship of Buddha was really a protest against the laxity of 
the Brahmin faith, just as the Reformation sprang from the 
war made by Martin Luther upon the easy discipline of the 
Holy See. So successful was Buddhism that at one time it 
swept over Hindostan, submerging every form of the Hindoo 
faith, except the Brahmins. The other classes, glad to escape 
from the caste yoke imposed upon them by the priests, were, 
no doubt, only too glad to welcome a faith in which there were 
no castes, no barriers to genius and virtue. In spite of all this 
the Brahmins, succeeded in doing what the Jesuits have been 
striving in vain to do for centuries ; they revived their own faith, 
revived all their privileges and distinctions, drove Buddhism 
into China and Burmah, and are to-day, as they were three 
thousand years ago, the most powerful class in India. Brah- 
minism is one of the oldest institutions in the world, one of the 
most extraordinary developments of human intellect and dis- 
cipline, and there is no reason to suppose that its power over 
India will pass away. 

The religion whose exponents the Brahmins have been for 



SO many centuries, and which regards Benares as its holy city, 
is one of the strangest combinations of wisdom and folly. It 
is a subject which interested me long before I ever dreamed of 
coming to India, and since I have been here I have taken 
occasion to converse with Brahmins and Englishmen who know 
India upon the philosophy and forms of the Hindoo faith. 
But the more you study it the more and more grotesque it be- 
comes. It reminds me somewhat of the Indian carpets you see 

UN 11! 1-; GAM, Kb. 

in Agra and Delhi — masses of color thrown on other masses in 
eccentric confusion, without idea or sequence, and taking their 
charm from this incoherence. Indian religion is a blaze of 
color. It draws upon nature in every form — upon the birds 
and beasts and creeping things ; upon antediluvian and pale- 
ozoic periods ; upon the imaginations of poets ; upon the winds, 
the clouds, the tempests, and the sun. All have their place in 
this strange faith, and controlled as it has been by priests, who 
knew the value of mystery in the priestly ofifice, it has been 
the aim of the expounders of the faith to shroud it with doubt, 

1 14 ^•^'^^•'• 

to make its meaning darker and darker, so that I question if 
any Oriental scliolars, no matter how profound, have penetrated 
the secrets of Brahminical learning. There are two things one 
observes in these old religions, the fact that the prophets 
had their eye on the police and the health of the people. 
Many customs in the sacred books that appear arbitrary 
and incongruous were based upon a profound statesmanship. 
This is the value of the Koran and of the Institutes of Menu, 
and it is hardly fair to consider these religions except in their 
twofold capacity of codes of morals and codes of laws. Of 
course where a lawgiver could surround a sanitary duty or 
a police regulation with threats of eternal damnation, it was 
more effectual than fines and imprisonment. The difificulty, 
therefore, of untwisting the Hindoo faith, of showing how 
much was theology and how much jurisprudence, can only 
be overcome by the most intimate knowledge of the character 
and customs of the people and the various phases of their 

And yet underneath the Hindoo faith there is this one 
thought which somehow finds an expression in all religions, 
pagan or Christian. It is the fundamental principle of the 
Hindoo religion: "There is in truth but one God, the Su- 
preme Spirit, the Lord of the universe, whose work is the uni- 
verse." This is orthodox enough to be written in the West- 
minster Catechism. It is the recognition of the Almighty, the 
web of religion upon which nations have woven their different 
fancies, obscuring and clouding, but never destroying it. The 
Hindoo Vedas thus personify the Supreme Being: "Perfect 
truth, perfect happiness, without equal, immortal, absolute 
unity, whom neither speech can describe nor mind comprehend ; 
all-pervading, all-transcending, delighted with his own bound- 
less intelligence ; not limited by space or time ; without feet, 
moving swiftly ; without hands, grasping all worlds ; without 
eyes, all-surveying ; without ears, all-hearing ; without an intel- 
ligent guide, understanding all ; without cause, the first of all 
causes; all-ruling, all-powerful; the creator, preserver, trans- 
former of all things ; such is the Great One." This might with 

L\1)IA.\ RELIGION. I j c 

a few changes be a text from A Kempis. But the difficulty 
with the Hindoo faith is : How much of it is rehgion, and how 
much jurisprudence ? The imaginative character of the Indian, 
his excitabiHty, his fine nervous organization, his contact with 
nature in stupendous forms and wild moods, are all seen in 
the decorations in which these simple, homely truths are em- 
broidered. The unity of God and his spiritual nature which 
Christians cherish are soon lost in a maze of fables. In the 
beginning God created the waters. In these waters he placed 
a seed, which germinated and produced Brahma, who was the 
Supreme Being in human form. God made man. At the end 
of a certain period the earth will be destroyed. Worlds will 
again reappear and Brahma will come to create them. Under 
Brahma there are gods who represent air, fire, water, earth, the 
sun and stars. There are abstract gods representing justice, 
medicine, and so on. There are evil gods and good ones, 
" benevolent genii, fierce giants, bloodthirsty savages, heavenly 
choristers, nymphs and demons, huge serpents and birds of 
mighty wing, and separate companies of Pitris or progenitors 
of mankind." Hindooism discerns in man two natures, "a vital 
soul which gives motion to the body, and the rational, which is 
the seat of passions and good and bad qualities. There is a 
future life and punishments of expiation. There is no eternal 
damnation. The period of torment in the after-life depends 
upon the nature of sins in this life. After the torment the soul 
passes into the shape of animals, or even plants, and in time 
enters a beatific state. This recognition of the transmigration 
of souls is a striking phase of the Hindoo faith, nor does it lack 
in a weird and consoling beauty. The mere man is brought 
into a reverent communion with nature. To him nature speaks 
with a voice which we of a colder faith cannot know. All 
things about him — the lizard which glides along the wall, the 
tiger which stalks in the jungle, the blushing rose and the bend- 
ing lily, "the over-arching banyan tree and the entwining vine — 
all are sacred. It may be the soul of some disembodied an- 
cestor whose leaves shelter him from the noonday sun, or the 
soul of a brother or a son which glares at him from the tiger's. 



ferocious eyes. From this arises that protection to animal life 
which is a curious feature in India. 

Indian worship is prayer and meditation. The Hindoo 
makes worship the main business of life. If a Brahmin will 
repeat the holy verse of the Vedas as often as possible and 

practice universal 
benevolence he will 
enter into eternal 
happiness. This is 
the holy verse : 
" Let us meditate 
on the adorable 
light of the Divine 
Ruler; may it guide 
our intellects ! " A 
Hindoo must bathe 
daily, which shows 
that even before the 
New Testament 
cleanliness meant 
godliness. He 
prays at sunrise and 
sunset, if possible 
in some sheltered 
spot near pure 
water. Daily he 
should perform the 
five sacraments — 
studying the scrip- 
tures, making obla- 
tions to the waves 
and to fire in honor of the gods, giving rice to living creatures, 
and receiving guests with honor. The most solemn of these 
sacraments is the reading of the scriptures. This must be done 
aloud, with reverence, in an attitude of respect and supplication. 
There are various penances for sin, and monthly offerings to an- 
cestors. The practice of adoring idols, now so common in India, 


does not rest upon any tenet of the early scriptures, but is a cor- 
ruption. Although respect for animal life goes so far as to com- 
mend abstinence from animal food, it is not a sin for a Hindoo 
to eat the flesh of animals who have died a natural death cr 
who have been slain by others. Even the cow, which is a sa- 
cred animal, may become toothsome as beef. Purity and 
impurity from contact with impure things, with persons of a 
degraded caste, occupy a large part of the Hindoo religion. 
Most of these regulations seem to have been a part of the 
Brahminical policy which made their class sacred and enabled 
them to perpetuate their sway. As a general thing purity 
came from charity, honesty, devotion, forgiveness of your ene- 
mies, and philanthropy. Justice, truth, and virtue are always 
recognized and encouraged, and, to use the words of one of the 
clearest writers on the subject, " the tendency of Brahmin mo- 
rality is rather toward innocence than active virtue, and its main 
objects are to enjoy tranquillity and to prevent pain or evil to 
any sentient being." 

But if I continue this theme I shall be launched into a sea 
of theological narrative and speculation. It is difificult to un- 
derstand Benares without recalling some of the features of the 
strange and subtle, faith which came from within its holy walls. 
As we threaded our way through its alleys and passed from 
shrine to shrine it seemed to be a city at prayers. Some of 
these temples were so narrow that even the chair-bearers could 
not enter, and we made our pilgrimage on foot. You enter a 
small archway and come into a courtyard. I should say the 
courtyard was a hundred feet square. In the center is a shrine 
— a canopied shrine. Under this is a god, whichever god hap- 
pens to be worshiped. It is generally a hideous stone, without 
grace or expression. Pilgrims are around it, in supplication, 
and as they pray they put offerings on the altar before the idol. 
These offerings are according to the means of the devotee, but 
most of those I saw were flowers. Hindoo urchins come up to 
you and put garlands of flowers about your neck. This is an 
act of grace and welcome, but you are expected to give money. 
In front of the idol, sitting on his feet, is the Brahmin reading 

ii8 JNJ^'--^- 

the Vedas. You know the Brahmin by the sacred thread which 
he wears on his shoulder, and by the marks of his caste on his 
forehead. These marks are painted every morning after the 
bath. But even without the painted brow and the drooping 
loop of thread you can come to know the Brahmin from his 
bearing, his clean-cut, intellectual face, his mien of conscious 
intellect and superiority. He is much the highest type in India, 
and the manner in which he has kept his caste — pure, govern- 
ing, and gifted — would make a valuable study to those who take 
interest in the mysterious philosophy of the descent of man. 
The Brahmin sits at his book and scarcely notices you. Per- 
haps your coming is not a good omen. He reads the scrip- 
tures under the influence of omens. Unusual winds, rain, 
thunder, meteors, the howling of the jackals, are all so unfortu- 
nate as to destroy the value of the holy reading. Perhaps this 
coming of a company of infidels, smoking, talking, and staring, 
may be evil. But the Brahmin apparently does not see evil in 
the alien, for he reads on. Mrs. Grant, with proper notions 
about church and what is becoming in holy places, fears that 
the cigars may offend the pilgrims, and to her mind religion, 
no matter how grotesque and superstitious, is so holy a thing 
in itself and in the feelings it represents, that anything in the 
least disposed to ofTend even the meanest of the worshipers 
would be distressing. It appears, however, that the cigars 
arose from a suggestion of the Commissioner, who told us as 
we came into the narrow ways that smoking was no offense to 
the Hindoo, and that if by any possibility we could smoke 
there were sanitary reasons and reasons of comfort why we 
should do so. Mrs. Grant satisfied on the propriety of our 
smoking, we study the temple. It is overcrowded, close, malo- 
dorous. Beggars are around you. Pilgrims pray and chant. 
On the walls — for our temple is open — monkeys are perching, 
chattering, and skipping. Around the walls of the inclosure 
are stalls, with cows and calves. These are sacred — held in 
reverence by the pilgrims, who feed and caress and adore them. 
One or two are monstrous births, and they are specially adored. 
The animals move about among the worshipers, quite tame, 



somewhat arrogant. Mrs. Grant was wearing a garland of 
flowers, which a child who supplied flowers to the worshipers 
had thrown over her neck. One of the animals, seeing the 
flowers, and knowing them to be savory, made a rush for the 
garland, and before any one could interfere was munching and 
tearing it in a deliberate manner. Evidently that cow had had 
her own way in her relations with the human race, and if she 
chose to make as much of a meal as possible out of the decora- 


tions and possessions of Mrs. Grant, it was only the force of edu- 
cation. One of the police came to the rescue of our lady, but it 
was only after a struggle that the cow could be persuaded to 
abandon her meal. I have no doubt many holy Brahmins 
were grieved to see the authority of England in the shape of a 
policeman cudgel a sacred animal into its stall. 

If I were to tell you of all the wells and temples in Benares, 
the holy places and the legends which make them sacred, it 
would carry me beyond bounds. Benares and its temples con- 
tain material enough for a literature instead of a mere chapter. 

1 20 INDIA. 

After we had visited several of the temples we went to the 
observatory of Rajah Jan Singh, built at the close of the seven- 
teenth century, and looking down from its battlements we see 
the sacred river shining in the morning sun ; the teeming, busy 
hive of temples and shrines, from which the hum of worship 
seems to arise ; masses of pilgrims sluggishly moving toward 
the river to plunge into its holy waters and be cleansed of sin. 
We are pointed out the site of the holy well of Manikarnaki, 
dug by the god Vishnu, consecrated by the god Mahadeva, 
whose waters will wash away any sin and make the body pure. 
From here we went down to the water, and, on board of a steam 
launch, slowly we steamed under the banks, and the view of 
the city as seen from our boat was one of the most striking the 
world can afford. Although the day was not far advanced the 
sun was out in all his power. Here was the burning Ghat, the 
spot where the bodies of the Hindoos are burned. No ofifice 
is so sacred to the dead as to burn his body on the banks of 
the Ganges. As we slowly steamed along, a funeral procession 
was seen bearing a body to the funeral pyre. We observed 
several slabs set around the burning Ghat. These were in 
memory of widows who had burned themselves on that spot in 
honor of their husbands, according to the old rite of suttee. 
We passed the temple of the Lord Tavaka, the special god 
who breathes such a charm into the ear of the dying that the 
departing soul goes into eternal bliss. We passed the temple 
built in honor of the two feet of Vishnu, and which are wor- 
shiped with divine honors. We saw the Ghats, or steps erected 
by Sindia, an Indian prince, built in heavy masonry, but bro- 
ken as by an earthquake and slowly going to ruin. We pass 
the lofty mosque of Aurungzebe, notable only for its two mina- 
rets, which, rising to one hundred and fifty feet, are the highest 
objects in Benares, and are a landmark for miles and miles. 
We pass shrines and temples without number, the mere recital 
of whose names and attributes would fill several chapters. All 
this is lost in the general effect of the city as seen from the 
river. Benares sits on the sacred river, an emblem of the 
strange religion which has made it a holy city, and there is 


solemnity in the thought that for ages she has kept her place 
on the Ganges, that for ages her shrines have been holy to 
millions of men, that for ages the wisest and purest and best of 
the Indian race have wandered as pilgrims through her narrow 
streets, and plunged themselves as penitents into the waters to 
wash away their sins. It is all a dark superstition, but let us 
honor Benares for the comfort she has given to so many mil- 
lions of sinful, sorrowing souls. And as we pass along the 
river toward our house, and leave the white towers and steps 
of Benares glistening in the sunshine, we look back upon it 
with something of the respect and affection that belong to an- 
tiquity, and which are certainly not unworthily bestowed upon 
so renowned, so sacred, and so venerable a city. 



VISIT to India without an experience in the jungle 
would be a barren and imperfect proceeding, and 
since our coming to this country nothing has been 
more discussed as among the possible experiences 
of Indian travel, than what we should do among the elephants 
and among the tigers, the panthers and the beasts of prey. After 
Mr. Borie returned from his visit to the man-eating tigers, which 
the Maharajah of Jeypore kept in a special cage for the edifica- 
tion of his people, he made the official announcement that his 
curiosity and ambition were satisfied, and that under no circum- 
stances would he go into the jungle to fight a tiger. There 
was some disappointment over this determination, because we 
had depended largely upon Mr. Borie to redeem the character 
of the members of our expedition in the hunting-field. We 
felt, also, that it was a neglected opportunity for Mr. Borie 
himself, because he is esteemed in Philadelphia, and, as his 
friends, we were all anxious that he should carry home to that 



proud, domestic city evidences of his prowess in a new sphere. 
Then I can fancy nothing more conducive to table-talk, to se- 
cure absolute silence while you are talking, than to be able to 
begin a conversation by saying, "When I killed my first tiger 
in India," and so on. Such a declaration at a dinner party of 
prudent and peaceful Philadelphians would silence conversation, 
fill the listeners with awe, and rank the speaker among those 
heroes whose exploits hush the cries of children. These were 
among the arguments pressed upon Mr. Borie to induce him to 
lead our party into the jungle ; but they were not strong enough 
to shake his resolution. So we turned to Colonel Grant to save 
us from the stigma of having crossed the seas and penetrated 
India and lived in the land of the hunter without entering the 
jungle. The opportunity was given us by our friend the Ma- 
harajah of Jeypore, who sent word to General Grant that if he 
wished to shoot the tiger, and gave his Highness twenty-four 
hours' notice, the tiger would be ready. This was the same 
courtesy extended to the Prince of Wales, who killed his first 
tiger in Jeypore. It seemed rather odd that even an Indian 
prince should have authority over the jungle, and be able to 
summon the wild beast from his lair for the entertainment of 
wandering sportsmen ; but it was explained to us that his 
Highness kept a small collection of tigers for game. 

General Grant would have trespassed upon the kindness of 
the Maharajah, and would not have objected to a day in the 
jungle. Colonel Grant was impatient for the experience. 
What interfered was the want of time. Tiger hunting, even 
when you know the tiger is in readiness, requires time, and 
during our visit to Jeypore, when the opportunities of a jungle 
adventure were the burden of our conversation, I acquired a 
great deal of information on the subject of tiger shooting. For 
successful sport two or three days are necessary. We should 
have had to ride elephants, to go attended with many other ele- 
phants, with wagons and beaters and huntsmen — with a small 
army in fact. Tiger hunting is, in some respects, a science, and 
those who are fond of the sport have various ways of enjoying 
it. The native hunter will sit in a tree during the night waiting 

124 l^DIA. 

his chances at the tiger as he passes from the jungle to the 
streams for water. The Hindoo has so keen a vision that he 
can fire in the night with a certain aim. European hunters — 
probably because their vision is imperfect — despise this mode. 
Perhaps they dislike the idea of lying in the ambush of night. 
Then the hunters select a district where the tiger is known to 
range, and tie a buffalo or a kid to a tree. The tiger discovers 
the animal, kills it by opening the jugular vein and sucking the 
blood. This is his first meal. The blood appeases his hunger 
for several hours, and he retires to his lair for repose. In the 
meantime the hunters, seeing the dead animal, know the tiger 
will come again to finish his meal. They make an ambush of 
branches and boughs, and await his return. Another plan is to 
surround the jungle where the tiger is known to live, and with 
stealthy footsteps seek him in his lair. This should be done at 
noon, when the sun is at the meridian, a time when the tiger 
seeks the refuge of a shady place — a rock, a cave, or a cliff — 
and sleeps. If he can be found asleep he may be killed, but 
this form of tiger hunting is the most dangerous, and only ac- 
cepted by those who prefer the excitement and peril of the 
JLUigle. Another plan — and this was adopted by the Mahara- 
jah when the Prince of Wales was in the jungle — is to go with 
a retinue of elephants trained to hunting the tiger. A cordon 
of natives is picketed around the outskirts of the jungle, with 
gongs and drums and trumpets. They advance slowly through 
the bush, moving always toward the center, making horrible 
noises. The tiger, who is really a cowardly animal, retreats 
before the noise, and in time is forced under the muzzles of the 
rifles. At this instant — this crisis of the chase — the hunter re- 
quires perfect nerve. For the tiger is not, in the presence of a 
hunting party, dangerous until wounded. He may attack a 
man alone, but rarely two men if they face him. If you turn 
and run he is sure to follow. But when the tiger is wounded 
even the most carefully trained elephants are not safe. There 
is the danger that the elephant may break and run from fright ; 
and a run into the jungle would be a serious business for those 
who are riding, for you may be dragged from your seat by the 



trees. If the elephant is firm, and you have a successful shot, 
the tiger is sure to turn and charge. Mad with pain, strong 
and swift, he throws himself upon the nearest enemy, springing 
upon the elephant, climbing its trunk, or, reaching for the poor 
shivering Hindoo driver, drags him from his seat. Even after 
the tiger has received his fatal wound, so strong is his vitality 
that he will have strength enough for a plunge. Then success 
depends upon courage and coolness, upon rapid firing from 
every available rifle in the hunting party. So far as I could 

' ■M\i. HUNTING. 

learn, in the many histories of tiger shooting, accidents are rare 
occurrences. But the danger of the contest with so supple and 
bloodthirsty a beast, and the nerve required, combine to give, 
for those who are fond of field sports, a peculiar zest to tiger 
shooting. When the young Englishman comes to India he 
yearns for his first tiger as a young officer for his first brevet. 

I have heard, however, of serious, and sometimes fatal, 
accidents. One of the kindest and best friends I made in 
India — brave, gentle, and gifted — is maimed in his arm and leg 

126 INDIA. 

from tiger wounds. He was an officer of the Indian Engineers, 
on engineer duty. The tiger came near the camp and took up 
a position in a clump of bushes between the camp and water. 
The Indian attendants became alarmed. They would not go 
near the stream. It became necessary to have water for the 
encampment, and the only way was to kill the tiger. So the 
officers took arms and went out Some of them were new to 
the business ; instead of marching shoulder to shoulder, and 
presenting a front, which the tiger always avoids, they went 
singly. The first thing my friend saw was that one shot had hit 
the tiger, and the animal had turned and was about to charge 
him. He called to his comrades and tried to fire again, but too 
late. In an instant, as a flash, the beast was upon him, struck 
him on the shoulder with his paw, and felled him to the ground. 
He lost consciousness — a sensation that generally comes to 
man when assailed by a beast of prey. It came to Livingstone, 
if I remember, when he was attacked by the lion. It is a shock 
acting almost like an anaesthetic. I suppose this is a merciful 
provision of nature. My friend would have been killed but for 
the gallantry of one of his comrades, who rushed at the tiger, 
and beat in his head with the butt of a rifle as he was sfnawinof 
the arm and leg of the prostrate man. One of the shots had 
taken fatal effect, and the attack was the desperation of death. 
Before his death, however, the animal had gnawed the arm, 
side, and limb of my friend, so that his restoration to health took 
a long time, and he will carry to his grave the wounds he re- 
ceived twenty years ago. I heard a story of another officer, 
now holding an important position in the Indian service, who 
was also charged by a tiger to whom he had given a death- 
wound. The animal threw him and seized his arm. He had 
the presence of mind to force his arm into the tiger's mouth 
and hold it there, allowing the beast to crunch it. He thus 
confined the wound to the single member, and saved his life at 
the expense of his arm. Even now, with his armless sleeve, he 
is one of the most daring sportsmen in India. 

It was want of time — at least it is supposed it was want of 
time, and not the rueful tiger stories — that prevented us from 



accepting the invitation of his Highness and having one day in 
the jungle of Jeypore. Hunters are not less careful of their 
lives than other men, and the care taken to prevent accidents — 
the use of arms of precision, skill in their use, and the fact that 
all wild animals, the tiger especially, are cowards, afraid of 
noise, fire, light, or any unusual sight— make the accidents of 
the chase less on the average than the casualties in fox huntine 
in the English shires. The only dangerous tiger is what is 
called the man-eater. The man-eater is generally an old 
beast, with bad teeth and gums, lacking in enterprise and en- 

durance. He has outlived his usefulness in the jungle. Ani- 
mals that ordinarily would be his prey avoid him without diffi- 
culty. Driven to despair because he cannot roam the bushes 
and seize what he fancies, he falls upon some poor belated 
Hindoo wood-cutter, or child at play, or woman carrying her 
pitcher to the well, and then he learns that, of all the animals 
given to him by a considerate Providence for food, man is the 
most toothsome, the most helpless, and the most cowardly. 
The buffalo, the wild pig, even the antelope, will not surrender 
without resistance. A wild pig has been known to kill a tiger 

128 J^'DIA. 

in a fight, A bufifalo will charge a tiger and battle with him, 
and sometimes successfully, before he surrenders. An antelope 
will inflict a serious wound if he can give a good thrust with his 
horns. Consequently, when a tiger gets old, when his muscles 
are worn and his teeth are bad, he would have to suffer in 
these controversies ; but having learned how easy a prey is 
man, he devotes himself to the pursuit of man for food. It 
saves him a orreat deal of trouble. It is so comfortable to lie in 
wait near a village, in a ravine or under a cliff, and in the early 
morning, or as the sun goes down, to spring upon a poor lonely 
peasant wandering home, or a child at play, and carry him to 
his lair. Once he learns this lesson he abandons the jungle 
and quarters himself near a village. He is a shrewd beast, 
much more than tigers generally, and hard to kill. When a 
man-eater takes up his quarters near a village the natives aban- 
don their homes in a panic, or go to the nearest British military 
station and report his presence. To capture or kill him re- 
quires the utmost patience and skill. Sometimes before he is 
slain he will take many lives. One brute — a lazy, decrepit old 
beast who scarcely opened his eyes when we came to his cage — 
had the reputation of having destroyed twenty-five human 
beings. Sometimes the panther, as he advances in years, be- 
comes a man-eater; but as a general thing all wild animals, 
unless they are disturbed, or assailed, or accompanied by their 
young, will pass man by. I should therefore think that in 
America the hunting- of the buffalo or the grrizzlv bear afforded 
more disasters than tiger killing in the jungle. What seems to 
me to detract from tiger hunting is the fact that you are com- 
pelled to fight him from an ambush. There is no facing and 
fighting him, as on the open prairie with our buffalo. When 
you think of the courage expended on the tiger, the amount of 
pains taken to find him, and the time it occupies, the amuse- 
ment seems to be unprofitable. Notwithstanding all this, it was 
not without regret that we could not accept the Maharajah's 
offer and shoot the tiger, adding to our experiences in India that 
of a day in the jungles such as had been given to the Prince of 
Wales. But there were engagements with the Viceroy of India, 


who was waiting for General Grant, before he left for the hills ; 
and so the jungle was put aside. 

Colonel Grant, however, was not disposed to allow our ex- 
pedition to leave India without some experience in the field, 
and when the tiger proposition was dismissed the Maharajah 
proposed to have some pig sticking. The sticking of a pig 
does not seem to be a serious business to people at home, 
whose ideas of the animal are confined to its usefulness as 
breakfast bacon. The old hunters say that no sport in India is 
more exciting or more dangerous. The wild boar is a different 
animal from the homely, useful, lolling hog, whose highest func- 
tion at home is lard. He lives in the jungle. His food is the 
sugar-cane, and a boar will ravage a large crop of growing cane 
in a sing-le nieht. He is bold and brave. His tusks are some- 
times eight inches in length, and as sharp as a razor. With 
these tusks he will charge any animal. A boar has been known 
to rip open a tiger and disembowel him. The wild pig has 
o-reat endurance. He can in the first rush outrun an Arab steed. 
He seems to be an honest, peaceable beast, who will do no harm, 
and spend his days on roots or sugar-cane, unless you assail 
him. He will throw dosjs in the air, and, if a hunter falls under 
his tusks, cut him up as with a knife. Some of the most serious 
accidents in the history of sport have come from the wild pig. 
There are laws about hoo- huntinsf which no sfentleman vio- 
lates. You do not shoot him. You only attack the boar, never 
the sow. To kill a sow in the Jeypore country would be as 
serious a crime as to shoot a fox in Melton Mowbray. You 
do not kill the young. In warring on the tiger your enemy is 
the common enemy of mankind, who lives on prey ; whose 
passion is blood ; who lives on domestic cattle and useful 
animals, and in his old days takes to preying upon man. 
There is one quality about pig hunting that reminds you of 
the buffalo chase. You ride upon your pony in the jungle; 
you seek your animal out and fight him with sword or spear 
like a knight; you have a foeman who can only be slain by 
coolness and courage, who lives in the dominion of the leopard 
and the tiger, and holds his own with them, and whose death 

VOL. II. — 9 

I30 I^'^'DIA. 

is useful in two ways — it protects the natives' crops and gives 
them food. 

An officer of the Maharajah's household who was in charge 
of the hunting establishment, and who was famous, we were 
told, among Indian sportsmen, waited upon us, and we agreed 
that at six o'clock in the morning we should start for the jun- 
gle. Dr. Keating was disposed to volunteer, and if General 
Grant had not been under engagements for the day which he 
could not put aside, I think he would have ventured out, if 


for no other reason than to have a good stiff ride over the 
country. Mr. Borie preferred to remain with General Grant, 
and the Colonel alone of our party went to the hunt. At six, 
the hunting party left the residency and drove out in the cool 
of the morning some six or seven miles. When they came to 
the jungle, horses were in readiness, with bullock carts, and a 
swarm of attendants. The Colonel had had his own share of 
hunting on the frontiers, and as a cavalryman had a good eye 
and a good seat. There were firearms along, to meet any 


Other animal that might venture upon them. Not unfrequently 
when looking for a pig you may stumble upon a tiger, or a 
panther, or a bear, when the conditions of the hunt change. 
There is a story of an officer encountering a panther when out 
pig sticking, and spearing him. This story is now the wonder 
and envy of Indian society, and I do not know of any human 
proceeding more to be commended or avoided, according as 
you are trained to view such matters, than spearing a panther. 
But the officer did so. Our party was prepared for such an 
emergency, but it did not come. When they came to the 
ground they mounted. The Colonel rode with the chief sports- 
man and an interpreter. There were sixteen horsemen, two 
camels, two bullock carts, and beaters on foot. The chief was 
a fine, comely, lithe young man, who rode a horse like an 
Indian, with a keen piercing eye, who looked upon the jungle 
as upon home and knew every feature of it. He wore a pad- 
ded gown or riding coat, which looks like one of our comfort- 
able morning wrappers, made of calico, and over this a flow- 
ing silk or brocaded tunic as a mark of his rank. When you 
go on the hunting ground the party divide, at distances far 
enough apart to cover a mile of the jungle. There are beaters 
on foot, who go into the grass and beat the game toward you, 
making loud noises. If you pass a sow or her young you keep 
on, allowing them to root at peace or scamper away. If a boar 
is seen, the signal is given, either by a whistle or a call; some- 
times by firing a pistol. Some of the beaters have pistols, so 
that if the boar should make a break and try to escape they 
can fire a blank shot and turn him. The boar will turn at the 
noise and the flash ; but if the boar is at a distance you gather 
your reins, brace yourself in your saddle, take your spear, and 
run at full speed. The boar always seeks flight. If at all in 
condition he will go at a pace which no horse can keep. But 
this does not last long. The first burst over and you gain on 
him. In time you ride him down, and, as you pass, you drive 
the spear into his flanks, or, if you can, into his back so as to 
sever his spine. But this is not often done. The law of the 
chase is that the first stroke of the spear gives the right to 



the trophy. You wound the boar perhaps. Your spear is 
wrenched from your hand, is brolcen by the boar, who will 
snap the iron blade as easily as a stalk of cane. Even 
when wounded the boar will keep his flight. You pursue him 
and again spear him; sometimes again and again. The animal, 
faint from the running, from the loss of blood from the wounds, 
comes to bay, stops and turns. Then comes the real interest 
of the chase. He turns to bay and makes a rush. Well for 
the horseman who can not only keep his seat, but so guide his 
horse that the boar will not plunge his tusk into his animal's 
flanks and rip him open. The Colonel, when he ran down his 
first boar, drove the spear. It was hastily, perhaps awkwardly, 
done, and the boar snapped off the blade. When the boar 

turned it charg- 
ed the Colonel's 
horse. He 
avoided the 
charge, the ani- 
m a 1 si m p 1 y 
touching the 
Colonel's foot 
as he passed. 
Another horse- 
man was not so 
fortunate, as the 
animal drove his 
tusk into the 
horse's flank and 
made an ugly gash. Another spear was given the Colonel, 
who again speared the boar, and this time more effectively, for 
the animal turned over and died. 

One pig is not a bad day's sport. But the morning was 
not far gone and Colonel Grant felt that his spearing had been 
clumsily and badly done. It was his first trial, however, in the 
Indian jungle, and we should have pardoned him if he had 
been content with his single trophy. So the hunt went on. 
In a short time another boar was found and the Colonel charged 


it. This time the battle was in the Colonel's own hands. He 
had seen how the director of the hunt managed his business, 
and the result was a triumph. Riding the boar out of his swift 
pace he drove the spear. When the animal turned he faced 
and fought. Another horse in this charge, ridden by an at- 
tendant, was wounded, the boar taking him in the shoulder and 
inflicting an ugly wound. An attendant was thrown and bruised. 
But the end came, and the Colonel drove his spear home, thus 
securing his second pig, and glory enough for the day. 

It was then proposed to shoot antelope. The antelope is 
no less wary in the jungle than in our own prairie. He is wary 
and fleet. It is difficult to stalk him, for going on foot through 
a jungle, where the wildest of wild animals may come on you, 
is not a sensible proceeding. In Jeypore there are two ways 
of hunting the antelope. One is with the cheetah, an animal 
of the leopard species, of remarkable speed for a short run. 
The cheetah is taken and trained. I do not think he ever be- 
comes thoroughly tamed, although I saw some in Jeypore led 
around by attendants. I did not test their docility, having the 
emotion of early menagerie days, and thinking it odd to see a 
long, creeping, spotted leopard pacing up and down the streets. 
The Maharajah has several in his hunting establishment, and, 
if our party had cared, would have given us a cheetah hunt. 
The animal is tamed — at least made tame enough to obey his 
keeper. He is taken in an ox cart to the jungle and hooded. 
The ox cart drives into the jungle, and so approaches the ante- 
lopes. The ox cart is so familiar, as the common wagon of 
the farmer, that its passing does not disturb them. A horse- 
man or a traveler or a hunter, wearing a different tint of gar- 
ment from the ordinary peasant, would set a whole herd in 
motion. The ox cart approaches within three or four hundred 
yards. The cheetah is unhooded and flics at his game. If 
successful, he brings it down on the first run. Seizing the 
animal by the throat, there is no escaping. If, however, the 
distance is badly considered, and the antelope shows too much 
speed, or the cheetah is bewildered and does not spring at the 
moment, the antelope gets off, for the speed of the cheetah 

7 34 INDIA. 

does not last beyond the first few hundred yards. He has no 
enterprise, no sense, and when his experiment fails, stops, and 
would perhaps go leaping into the jungle if his keeper did not 
come, and, covering him with a hood, lead him to his cart, ff 
he succeeds and brings the antelope down he is allowed to 
drink the blood as a reward. This reward is the condition of 
tameness. Cheetah hunting is more an amusement of the na- 
tives than the English. It is a curious sport, and was shown to 
the Prince of Wales when in Jeypore. Good hunters — English 
hunters — think it a questionable proceeding to steal upon an 
antelope in disguise and attack him with a wild beast. The 
Colonel and his party had the ox carts at their disposal, and, 
satisfied with their exploits over the boar, went after the ante- 
lope. The carts drove within good shooting range, when the 
Colonel brought down a fine buck. This closed the day's work, 
for noon was coming, and it was thought best not to tempt too 
strongly the noon-day sun of India. The Colonel came back 
to Jeypore with the tusks of the two boars and the horns of the 
antelope as his trophies. As a young American's first day in 
the jungle the result was a triumph for our expedition, and we 
felt so much interest in the tusks and the horns and the narra- 
tive of the day's adventures that we began to feel ourselves 
sharers in the glory, and that we, too, had been in the grass, 
charging the wild boar and pursuing the flying deer. The Col- 
onel thanked the Maharajah for having given him so fine a 
day's sport. His Highness said that if the General and party 
would only remain two or three days he would give them a 
memorable experience with tiger and bear and leopard and all 
that his jungles could afford. 














ENERAL GRANT'S party arrived in Calcutta at 
five o'clock on the morning of the loth of March, 
after a severe and distressing ride from Benares.. 
The American Consul-General, General Litchfield,, 
the aide-de-camp of the Viceroy, and a guard of honor of the- 
Bengal troops were in waiting. We drove off in the state car- 
riages with an escort of cavalry to the Government House. 
The streets had been watered, and there was just a suspicion 
of a cool breeze from the Hoogly, which, after the discomforts- 
of the long night ride, made our morning ride pleasant. A line 
of policemen was ranged from the railway station to the door 
of the Government House, a distance of about two miles. 
The Government House is a large, ornate building, standing in 
an open park, the corner-stone of which was laid about the time 
that Washington laid the foundation of our capitol. It is built 


136 INDIA. 

to resemble the country-house of Lord Scarsdale, in Derby- 
shire, and as a noble and stately pile may rank with the 
palaces of Europe. European houses in India are built for air 
and room. In the Government House there are council-rooms, 
reception-rooms, and state dining-rooms ; the two ideas govern- 
ing the architecture of this, as in other official houses of the 
■empire, being comfort and splendor — comfort, that the Euro- 
pean may endure the pitiless sun ; splendor, that .the eyes of 
the subject may be dazzled. It is odd at first to see your cold, 
indifferent, matter-of-fact Englishman, at home caring only 
for comfort, as solicitous about pomp as the Lord Chamber- 
lain ; but this is because pomp and ceremony are the first 
essentials of government in India. 

The Viceroy of India, Lord Lytton — better known to 
Americans as the poet " Owen Meredith " — received General 
Grant with great kindness. His Lordship said in greeting the 
General that he was honored in having as his guest a gentle- 
man whose career he had followed with interest and respect, 
and that it was especially agreeable to meet one who had been 
the chief magistrate of the country in which he spent some of 
the happiest years of his life. Lord Lytton had reference to his 
residence in Washington, as a member of the British legation, 
during the time that his uncle — then Sir Henry Bulwer — was 
British Minister to the United States. His Lordship was also 
cordial in his greeting to Mr. Borie, and referred to our com- 
panion's services in General Grant's cabinet. He conversed 
with Colonel Grant about General Sheridan, and regretted 
that the duties of his office, on account of the Burmese and 
Afghan complications, and his approaching departure for Simla, 
prevented his seeing as much of our party as he wished. Our 
quarters in the Government House were very pleasant, looking 
out on the public square. In the afternoon we drove around 
and stood listening to the band in the Eden Gardens. The 
only hours given to recreation in India are in the early morn- 
ing and at the going down of the sun. Then all the English 
world spend the cool of the day under the trees. The Gen- 
eral and his Lordship took a long stroll together. In the 



evening there was a state banquet, attended by the high au- 
thorities of the British empire. 

Next day there was an excursion to the Viceroy's country- 
seat at Barrackpoor, Sir Ashley Eden, Lieutenant-Governor 
of Bengal, doing the honors in the name of the Viceroy. Bar- 
rackpoor is a country-seat, about twelve miles up the Hoogly 
river. Our party was small, comprising the leading members 
of the government and their families. We drove to the dock 
under a beating noon-day sun. The scenery of the Hoogly 
reminds you of the low, tropical banks of the St. John's river, 
in Florida, but it is a narrower stream, and the aspect of nature 
is gloomy compared with what you see in Florida, where the 
orange groves light up the landscape. The Hoogly teems 
with life, with boatmen in all kinds of floating contrivances. 
The navigation of an Indian stream must be a good deal trust- 
ing to fate. Our currents were wayward, and the vessel was 
more a floating: hotel than a water-p;oin<z" craft. When we 
came bumping against the side of a clumsy lump of a vessel 
with such force as would tear away the iron-work and make the 
steamer buzz and tremble, everybody seemed to take it as a 
matter of course. 

The view of Barrackpoor from the river is beautiful, because 
you see what is so rare in India — green rolling meadow land. 
Were it not for the tropical foliage and noble banyan trees 
it would not be difficult to fancy that Barrackpoor was a bit 
of Richmond on the Thames. Barrackpoor has a melancholy 
prominence in the history of India. Here the first of the mu- 
tiny occurred, in the history of the greased cartridges. Before 
the government authorities took to the hills for the summer, 
Barrackpoor was a country-seat, holding the same relation to 
the Government House in Calcutta that the Soldiers' Home 
did in Mr. Lincoln's days to the White House at Washington. 
Barrackpoor, except as a military station, and as the occasional 
resort for a picnic party, has been practically abandoned. We 
landed from our steamer in a small yacht, and had quite a walk 
in the relentless sun until we came to a marquee tent, pitched 
under a banyan tree, where a band was playing and servants 



were arranging a table for us. We had a merry, pleasant feast 
under this banyan tree, and we studied our tree with interest, 
as one of the extraordinary forms of nature. The tree itself 
was a small grove, and you could walk in, and around, and 
through its trunks and branches as easily as among the columns, 
of a mosque. Unless the tree is checked, it will spread and 
spread, every branch, as it touches the earth, developing into a 
root and throwing out new branches, until, as we read in nursery 
days, an army may encamp under its branches. After our pic- 
nic it was pleasant to stroll around Barrackpoor and take that 


delight which is among the pleasures of an Indian journey — a 
delight in the constant surprises of nature. Your eyes are 
accustomed to your own flowers and forms of forest and garden 
growth — the oak, the ash, the sycamore, the modest daisy, and 
the wholesome virtuous clover that blossoms in the meadows. 
You look in vain for the old forms familiar to you from child- 
hood, and that were always your friends, even when the world 
grew dark and early sorrows swept over your young and trem- 
bling life. These trees are what you have read of in poems and 
ghost stories and Indian tales. There is the mango-tree, giving 
pleasant fruit, said to be among the atonements for the cruelty 


of Indian life, but which you shall not see until we come to Sin- 
gapore. Every one has been telling us of the comfort we shall 
find in the mango, and that even though we came from the land 
of fruits, we shall surrender our peach and pear to its superior 
attractions. All that we have seen of it thus far has been a 
candied mango, sent by our friend the Maharajah of Bhurt- 
poor, but so killed by the sugar that it might easily have been 
a pumpkin or a melon rind. We have had also a curry of 
mango, but the flavor was so crushed under the spices that it 
might have passed for radish or celery. As a tree, however, 
it is royal, green, and rich. We note, also, the tamarind-tree, 
underwhich you cannot pitch your tent because of the unwhole- 
some exhalation. Here is the pipel and the Japanese acacia, 
the banana, with its hospitable leaves, the bamboo, the orange, 
unlimited cactus, until you grow weary of cactus, a very world 
of ferns, and the rose in endless profusion. You observe 
that all animal life enjoys a freedom unusual to our rapacious, 
destroying eyes, accustomed as we are to look upon everything 
that God has made as something for man to kill. In India 
animal life, from the insect to the prowling beast from the 
jungle, is ever near you. I presume it arises from the religion 
of the natives, which throws protection over all animal nature. 
As you stroll through Indian gardens, or about an Indian for- 
est, you see animal life in every form. The monkey, for in- 
stance, is more common than the squirrel at home. When 
you sit down at your picnic table the birds of prey circle around 
and around you, until the meal is done, to take your place. We 
return from Barrackpoor to Calcutta in time to dress for a 
state dinner at the Government House, the last to be given by 
Lord Lytton before leaving for Simla. This dinner was made 
an occasion for presenting General Grant to the leading mem- 
bers of the princely native houses. 

We had a reception of this kind in Bombay, but the scene- 
in Calcutta was more brilliant. When the dinner was over, and 
Lord Lytton escorted Mrs. Grant to the reception-room, the- 
halls were filled with a brilliant and picturesque assembly. A 
company of native gentlemen looks like a fancy-dress balL 

I40 ^^'^^-^• 

There is no rule governing their costumes. They are as free 
to choose the color and texture of their garments as ladies 
at home. 1 cannot but think that our heathen friends have 
learned better than ourselves the lesson of dress, especially for 
the tropics. We swathe ourselves in dismal and uncomely 
black, and here in India, where every feather's weight you 
lift from your raiment ,s a blessing to body, the Englishman 
so lacks in imagination and enterprise that he endures the 
same cloth which he wore in Berkeley Square. The natives 
were in loose gowns of cool, flexible stuffs, that seemed to play 
and dally with the heat, and as they streamed about in their 
airy, flowing, fleecy gowns, they looked more sensible than we 
civilians in our black evening dress, or the officers girded to the 
throat with scarlet cloth and braid. There is something for 
the eye in the varied hues of Indian costumes, and as to splen- 
dor, I suppose that one of the jewels that hung from the neck 
of the Prince of Oude, or the diamond that blazed from the 
finger of one of the rajahs, was worth ten times more than all 
the clothes worn by the Europeans. 

The native gentlemen and princes of high rank were pre- 
sented by the Viceroy to General Grant. Some of these 
names were the foremost in India. Some are deposed princes, 
or descendants of deposed princes. Others were Brahmins of 
high caste ; some rich bankers and merchants. The son of the 
King of Oude came with his son. He has an effeminate, weak 
face. On his head he wore a headdress shaped like a crown, 
and covered with gold-foil and lace. The King of Oude lives 
in Calcutta, on an allowance of six hundred thousand dollars a 
year. He does not come near the Government House, partly 
because he is so fat that he cannot move about, except in a 
chair, more probably because he is a kind of state prisoner on 
account of his supposed sympathies with the mutiny. The old 
king spends a good share of his income in buying animals. He 
has a collection of snakes, and is fond of a peculiar kind of 
pigeon. A pigeon with a blue eye will bring him good fortune, 
and if one of his Brahmin priests tells him that the possession 
of such a bird is necessary to his happiness, he buys it. Re- 



cently he paid one thousand pounds for a pigeon, on the advice 
of a holy Brahmin, who, it was rumored, had an interest in the 
sale. Not long since the king made a purchase of tigers, and 
was about to buy a new and choice lot, when the Lieutenant- 
Governor interfered and said his Majesty had tigers enough. 
My admiration for the kingly office is so profound that I like 

i /.; 


it best in its eccentric aspects, and would have rejoiced to have 
seen so original a majesty. But his Majesty is in seclusion 
with his snakes, his tigers, his pigeons, his priests, and his wo- 
men, and sees no one, and we had to be content with seeing his 
son. This prince seemed forlorn, notwithstanding his bauble 
crown, his robes, and his gems, and hid behind the pillars and 

142 INDIA. 

in corners of the room, and avoided general conversation. An- 
other noted prince was the descendant of Tippoo Soltan, a 
full-bodied, eager Moslem prince, with a flowing beard, and 
character in the lines of his face. This prince has been in Eng- 
land, talks English well, and is a loyal subject of the Crown. 

More interesting were the young prince from Burmah and 
his wife. We have had news from Burmah. The new king 
has taken to evil ways, especially in the murder of his relations. 
They say he has threatened to kill the British Resident in 
Mandalay, and a force of troops has gone to Burmah to protect 
the Resident. And all Calcutta is horror-stricken over the 
news. I do not know how true it all may be. I have noticed, 
as an instructive coincidence in the history of British rule in 
Asia, that some outrage, some menace to British power always 
takes place about the time that the interests of the empire re- 
quire more territory. England wants Burmah, and its annexa- 
tion is foregone. But about the murders of his family by 
the king I suppose there can be no doubt. This prince and 
princess are refugees, under the protection of the vice-regal 
court. The princess was a pretty little lady, with almost Euro- 
pean features, and was the cynosure of the evening. Mrs. 
Grant had quite a conversation with her, and was struck with 
her vivacity and intelligence. The General conversed with 
most of the natives present — with all, indeed, who spoke Eng- 
lish — and informed the Viceroy that he regarded the opportu- 
nity of meeting them as among the most agreeable and inter- 
esting features of his Indian journey. 

Calcutta itself was found to be more European than any 
city we have seen in the East, even more so than Bombay. 
Its history begins with the Mohammedan occupation, although 
there are Hindoo legends going back to the age of fable. 
But every part of India has these legends, and Calcutta has no 
prominence worth considering but what came from the English 
occupation and the selection of the city as the capital. Cal- 
cutta, when the headquarters of the East India Company, 
knew a career of uninterrupted prosperity, and marks of this 
you see in all parts of the city. Considering how much money 



has been taken out of India, that during the reign of the com- 
pany the poHcy was simply to scrape up every penny for reve- 
nue and dividends, it shows the wealth of the country that 
enough should have remained behind to give Calcutta its 
splendor. The monuments are worthy of note. One building 
in the Ionic style of architecture commemorates James Prinsep, 
an eminent student of science. There is a monument to the 
officers who died in the Gwalior campaign, built of Jeypore 
marble. The Eden Gardens were laid out by the Misses 
Eden, sisters of the former Viceroy, Lord Auckland. Here 
the band plays every evening. There is also a stately column 
to Sir David Ochterlony, one hundred and sixty-five feet high, 
with a Saracenic capital. Ochterlony was one of the great men 
in the history of the company. There is a statue to Lord 
William Bentinck, who was Viceroy forty-five years ago, when 
Macaulay was in India. The statue bears an inscription written 
by Macaulay, in which Bentinck is honored as the man who 
" infused into Oriental despotism the spirit of British freedom," 
"who abolished cruel rites" and "effaced humiliatinof distinc- 
tions." There are statues to Lord Hardinge, who governed 
India in 1848 ; Lord Mayo, who was assassinated in 1870 ; Lord 
Lawrence, who won fame in the mutiny, and Sir James Outram, 
the " Bayard of the East." The city has about four hundred 
and fifty thousand population, of whom three-fourths are Hin- 
doos, and not more than twenty-one thousand Europeans. 
After the Hindoos the Mussulmans predominate. There are 
a few Parsees, but not so many as in Bombay. The Jews are 
rich, and interested in the opium trade. There are Portuguese, 
Armenians, and Greeks. The Portuguese have fallen into the 
serving classes ; the others are merchants. There are a few 
Chinamen of the laboring classes, who are carpenters and shoe- 
makers. There are some Arab merchants who trade with the 
Persian and Arabian Gulf and coasts, and a class called Oriahs, 
natives of Orissa, a careful, patient race, who perform the 
lower forms of labor. 

Education is widely advanced in Calcutta. The Hindoo 
•College was founded in 1824 for the teaching of English and 


IMU. I. 

sheer force of character and abiHty has risen to one of the high 
places in the empire. His home, Belvedere, is on the site, as I 
was told, of the residence occupied by Warren Hastings, when 
that celebrated man was the governor of India. It is a noble 
building, almost suggesting the White House, and looking out 
upon a well-ordered park, and a lawn that would do no di.:- 
credit to the cloisters of Oxford. In the evening there was a 
garden party, where we met the noted people of English and 
Indian race. Lord Lytton attended this feast for the pur- 
pose of taking his leave of General Grant. Before leaving he 
had a long and almost affectionate interview with General 
Grant, who thanked him for the splendor and hospitality of 
our reception in India. It was pleasant for us all to meet in 
Lord Lytton a nobleman who not only knew America in a 
public way, but had a familiar acquaintance with Washington 
City. The capital, when Lord Lytton lived there, and the 
capital to-day are, as the General told the Viceroy, very 
much changed. The Viceroy spoke of Everett and W^ebster 
and Clay and the men he knew ; of ladies and gentlemen 
who flourished under Tyler and Fillmore, and were leaders of 
society, but who have vanished. It was pleasant to hear the 
Viceroy speak with so much cordiality and good feeling and 
appreciation of America, and when our talk ran into political 
questions at home, and party lines, it was gratifying to hear 
him say that he could not comprehend how an American who 
believed in his country could sustain any policy that did not 
confirm and consolidate the results of the war. Whatever the 
merits of the war in the beginning, the end was to make Amer- 
ica an empire, to put our country among the great nations of 
the earth. Such a position was now every American's herit- 
age, and its protection should be his first thought. 

Lord Lytton's administration of India will long be remem- 
bered. I find, in conversing with the people, that opinions 
widely differ as to its character. It was curious to find the 
strong opinions that had been formed for and against the 
Viceroy. It showed that in India political feeling ran as high 
as at home. The moment the Viceroy's name is mentioned in 



any Indian circle you hear hit^h praise or severe condemnation. 
It seemed to me that an administration of so positive a charac- 
ter as to excite these criticisms is sure to make its impression 
on history, and not fall nerveless and dead. The criticisms 
passed upon Lord Lytton were calculated to raise him in the 
estimation of those who had no feelinirs in Indian affairs and 


saAV only the work he was doing. One burning objection to 
his Lordship was his decision in a case where an Englishman 
received a nominal sentence for having struck a native a blow 
which caused his death. The blow was not intended to kill. 
It was a hasty, petulant act, and the native, ailing from a dis- 
eased spleen, fell, and, rupturing his spleen, died. The courts 



treated the matter as an ordinary case of assault and battery ; 
held that the native would have died anyhow from the diseased 
spleen, and so allowed the matter to pass without punishment. 
The Viceroy interfered and put a heavy hand on the judges, 
and all official India arose in arms. The idea of this young 
literary man, this poet, this sentimental diplomatist, coming 
from the salons of Paris and Lisbon to apply his poetic 
fancies to the stern duties of governing an empire in India — 
such a thing had never been known. How different this man 
from those granite statesmen who blew Sepoys from cannon 
and hanged suspicious characters and saved the empire. If 
the right, the consecrated right of an Englishman to beat a 
"nigger" is destroyed, then there is no longer an India. 1 
cannot exaggerate the feeling which this incident caused. I 
heard of it in every part of India we visited. Even from the 
case as presented by the critics of the Viceroy, it seemed a 
noble thing to do. I saw in it one of the many signs which 
convince me that India is passing from the despotism of a com- 
pany, who recognized no rights but those of large dividends 
and a surplus revenue, to a government before whom all men 
have equal justice, and which will see that the humblest pun- 
kah-wallah is as much protected as the proudest peer. When 
you read the history of India, its sorrow, its shame, its oppres- 
sion, its wrong, it is grateful to see a Viceroy resolved to do 
justice to the humblest at the expense of his popularity with 
the ruling class. 

It was at Sir Ashley Eden's entertainment that General 
Grant received intelligence that the " Richmond," which he had 
been expecting to meet him at Ceylon, had not yet passed 
through the Suez canal. This was a great disappointment to 
the General, because he hoped to have visited Ceylon and 
Madras. He had received a pressing invitation from the Duke 
of Buckingham, who governs Madras, as well as from the Gov- 
ernor of Ceylon ; but to have waited for the steamer would 
have prolonged our stay for several days. The General felt 
that it would be unbecoming to trespass further upon the hosts 
who had been so kind to him, and learning that the steamer 



"Simla," commanded by Captain Franks, was to sail for Bur- 
mah at midnight, he resolved to visit Rangoon. This reso- 
lution left Ceylon and Madras unvisited, to our regret ; but it 
opened a new field of observation in a country full of interest, 
promising to be even more interesting. We had come to 
India late, because 

of our waiting for ■""'....., 

the " Richmond," ' r- ?i,: _ 

and all the Euro- 
peans in India who 
could go were flying 
to the hills. More- 
over, we all felt the 
heat so severely that 
even General Grant, 
who is an intense 
and merciless trav- 
eler, indifferent to 

LOW CA iTR';, 

the fatigues or the 

hardships of travel, was counting the days until we should 
pass the Straits of Malacca, and find comfort in the temperate 
zone at China and Japan. 

When we embarked on the " Simla" at midnieht we took 
our leave of Sir Ashley, who came to say good-by. In taking 
leave of him we felt like saying good-by to India; and the 
thought that occurred to us all, and to no one more than Gen- 
eral Grant, was one of gratitude for the splendid hospitality we 
had received. We had made a rapid tour, too rapid, indeed, 
to see the country as fully as we could have wished ; but from 
the time of our arrival in Bombay, as the guests of Sir Richard 
Temple at Malabar Point, until we left the stately home of 
Sir Ashley Eden in Calcutta, we received nothing but kind- 
ness, unvarying and considerate, and the memory of which will 
always make us feel that our residence in India was a residence 
among friends. 



'HEN morning- came we found ourselves still steam- 
ing down the Hoogly. We found the " Simla " as 
comfortable as though it had been our own yacht. 
There were no passengers on board beyond our own 
party. Captain Franks was a young and able officer, and our 
run across the Bay of Bengal was as pleasant as over a summer 
sea. The nights were so warm that it was impossible to sleep 
in our cabins, and we sought our rest lying about on the deck. 
It adds something to the felicity of travel in the tropics to lie 
under the stars with the universe around you. The disagree- 
able part is the early rising, for with the dawn come the coolies 
with broom and bucket to scrub the decks. This is conducive 
to early rising, and I think we can all say that since coming 
to the tropics there has been no morning when we have not 
seen the sun rise. But beine roused at dawn was never re- 
garded by any of us as a hardship, except, perhaps, the doctor 



and the colonel, whose views as to the rest and nourishment 
required by the human frame are conservative. But although 
this rising with the sun breaks awkwardly upon one's slothful 
civilized habits, it becomes in time one of the pleasures of the 
tropics. Then, if ever, you have what cool breezes come from 
the sea. You are sheltered from the imperious sun. If the 
coolie, with his brush and broom, comes to disturb you, your 
own servant also comes to comfort you with a cup of tea and a 
morsel of toast, and the fresh morning hours are all your own, 
for reading, writing, and meditation. 

Many were the conversations which took place between 
General Grant and our party in reference to the great scenes 
and events in which he had taken part. It was while sail- 
ing over summer seas, like the Bay of Bengal, that General 
Grant found opportunities for recalling and commenting upon 
many incidents in the recent history of America. It seems to 
me that I can do no better service to the historian than to throw 
my memoranda of these conversations into permanent shape. 
There are few men more willing to converse on subjects on 
which he is acquainted than General Grant. The charm of his 
talk is that it is never about anything that he does not know, 
and what he does know he knows well. He is never vindictive, 
and never gossips, and when referring to men and things in his 
eventful career seems passionless and just. When I was in 
Hamburg I made a synopsis of some of his conversations and 
sent them to the Nczv York Herald. Some of my readers 
may remember the profound impression created by what be- 
came known in the newspaper literature of the time as "The 
Hamburg Interview." Most of our journals took it up, and for 
weeks the statements it contained were the themes of comment 
and discussion. My own humble part in that publication was 
not overlooked, and I was interested in the variety of motives 
assigned to me by my brethren in the editorial profession. It 
was suggested at the time that I should take part in the 
controversy that swayed the country — that I should soothe 
military susceptibilities — that I should reconcile historical dif- 
ferences — that at least I should explain how it was that no bat- 



tie had been fought at Lookout Mountain, when perhaps the 
most gigantic picture of modern times commemorated the 
event, and how it was that Shiloh was not a defeat, after it had 
been determined as such by the shoal of newspaper writers 
who floated about the gunboats at Pittsburg Landing. So far 
as these criticisms were personal to myself, they did not seem 
worthy of attention. My office was that of a reporter, and so 
long as General Grant did not challenge the accuracy of what 
was written it was not necessary for me to speak. 


It is possible, however, that in reprinting the essential parts 
of " The Hamburg Interview," and in adding to it very largely 
from my memoranda of General Grant's conversations, contro- 
versy may again arise. I will say, therefore, that before I 
printed "The Hamburg Interview " in The Herald, the manu- 
script was submitted to General Grant. A great deal was 
omitted in deference to his wishes. But I make it a rule in all 
my publications concerning the General, whenever I have 
quoted him, to ask his permission to print, and to ask him also 



to revise my report to see that I have quoted him correctly. It 
may not be uninteresting to add that it was not without reluc- 
tance that General Grant grave his consent. This arose from 
his dislike to appear in print. But it seemed to me that one 
who had played so great a part in the world's affairs should not 
pass away without being heard concerning events which he had 
governed, and which will live in history so long as American 
history is written. I do not claim the dignity of history for 
these conversations ; I only claim that they represent the opin- 
ions of General Grant, and now go to the world with his knowl- 
edge and consent. 

I note among our conversations one memorandum concern- 
ing his administration. " I hear a good deal in politics about 
expediency," said the General, one day. "The only time I ever 
deliberately resolved to do an expedient thing for party rea- 
sons, against my own judgment, was on the occasion of the ex- 
pansion or inflation bill. I never was so pressed in my life to 
do anything as to sign that bill, never. It was represented 
to me that the veto would destroy the Republican party in 
the West; that the West and South would combine and take 
the country, and agree upon some even worse plan of finance ; 
some plan that would mean repudiation. Morton, Logan, and 
other men, friends whom I respected, were eloquent in pre- 
senting this view. I thought at last I would try and save the 
party, and at the same time the credit of the nation, from the 
evils of the bill. I resolved to write a message, embodying 
my own reasoning and some of the arguments that had been 
given me, to show that the bill, as passed, did not mean ex- 
pansion or inflation, and that it need not affect the country's 
credit. The message was intended to soothe the East, and 
satisfy the foreign holders of the bonds. I wrote the mes- 
sage with great care, and put in every argument I could call up 
to show that the bill was harmless and would not accomplish 
what its friends expected from it. Well, when I finished my 
wonderful message, which was to do so much good to the party 
and country, I read it over, and said to myself: 'What is the 
good of all this ? You do not believe it. You know it is not 


true.' Throwing it aside I resolved to do what I beHeved to be 
right — veto the bill! I could not," said the General, smiling, 
"stand my own arguments. While I was in this mood — and it 
was an anxious time with me, so anxious that I could not sleep 
at night, with me a most unusual circumstance — the ten days 
were passing in which the President must sign or veto a bill. 
On the ninth day I resolved inflexibly to veto the bill and let 
the storm come. I eave orders that I would see no one, and 
went into the library to write my message. Senator Edmunds 
came to the White House and said he only wanted to say one 
word. He came .in looking very grave and anxious. He said 
he wanted to speak of the inflation bill, to implore me not to 
sign it. I told him I was just writing a message vetoing it. 
He rose a happy man, and said that was all he wanted to say, 
and left. When the Cabinet, met my message was written. 
I did not intend asking the advice of the Cabinet, as I knew a 
majority would oppose the veto. I never allowed the Cabinet 
to interfere when my mind was made up, and on this question 
it was inflexibly made up. When the Cabinet met, I said that I 
had considered the inflation bill. I read my first message, the 
one in which I tried to make myself and every one else believe 
what I knew was not true, the message which was to save the 
Republican party in the West, and save the national credit in 
the East and Europe. When I finished reading, I said that as 
this reasoning had not satisfied me, I had written another mes- 
sage. I read the message of veto, saying that I had made up 
my mind to send it in. This prevented a debate, which I did 
not want, as the question had passed beyond debate. There 
was only one word changed, on the suggestion of Mr. Robeson. 
I said, if I remember, that no 'patent-medicine' scheme of printed 
money would satisfy the honest sentiment of the country. 
Robeson thought the ' patent-medicine' allusion might be un- 
necessarily offensive to the friends of inflation. So I changed it, 
although I wish I had not. The country might have accepted 
the word as a true definition of the inflation scheme. The 
message went in, and, to my surprise, I received no warmer 
commendations than from the West. I remember one long 



dispatch from James F. Wilson, of Iowa, a glowing enthusiastic 
dispatch. Bristow also sent me a warm dispatch, and it was 
that dispatch, by the way, as much as anything else, that de- 
cided me to offer Bristow the Treasury. The results of that 
veto, which I awaited with apprehension, were of the most 
salutary character. It was the encouragement which it gave 
to the friends of honest money in the West that revived and 
strengthened them in the West. You see its fruits to-day in 
the action of the Republican Convention of Iowa." 


" Nothing by the way," says the General, "shows the insin- 
cerity of politicians more than the course of the Democratic 
party on the financial question. During the war they insisted 
that the legal-tender act was unconstitutional, and that the law 
making paper legal tender should be repealed. Now they in- 
sist that there should be millions of irredeemable currency in 
circulation. When the country wanted paper they clamored 
for g-okl, now when we are rich enough to pay gold they want 
paper. I am surprised that our writers and speakers do not make 



more of this extraordinary contradiction. It only shows the 
insincerity of so much of our poHtical action. 

" Financial questions at home," continued the General, " are 
settling themselves in spite of the politicians. Wherever our 
friends have tampered with silver bills and inflation they have 
suffered. Political leaders who make these concessions will be 
in about the same position as those who went after Know- 
Nothingism at the time the country had that scare. With a 
people as honest and proud as the Americans, and with so 
much common sense, it is always a mistake to do a thing, not 
entirely right for the sake of expediency. When the silver bill 
was passed I wrote General Sherman, and advised him to sug- 
gest to the Secretary, his brother, the plan of paying Congress 
in silver. I made a calculation," said the General, laughing, 
"that it would have taken about twenty wagons to have car- 
ried silver enough to the capital to have paid the Congressmen 
and the employes for one month. They could not have car- 
ried their pay off except in wheelbarrows. As they passed the 
bill it was proper that they should enjoy its first-fruits. It 
would have made the whole thing ridiculous. If I had been 
President, and could have raised silver enough for the purpose, 
the Congressmen would have had silver at legal rates. The 
men who voted for the silver bill, like the old Xnow-Nothing 
leaders, will spend the remainder of their lives in expla ning 
their course. Already in the West you see the reaction." 

"The question of public improvements," said the General. 
" is one that must attract the attention of our statesmen. I 
have been very much impressed with what France is doing 
now. You see the republic has voted one thousand millions 
of dollars, as much as the German indemnity, to build railroads, 
improve harbors, and so on. This is a magnificent work. In 
America the mistakes we made in the building of the Pacific 
railway has deterred our people from going any further. If 
that road had been built by our own engineers, with the sys- 
tem of accountability that exists in the army, millions would 
have been saved. But because we made a mistake then, we 
should not oppose all plans for developing the country. I gave 


much thought, when I was President, to the subject of a canal 
across Central America, a ship canal connecting the two oceans. 
But, somehow, I had not influence enough with the administra- 
tion to make it an administration measure. I did all I could to 
pave the way for it. My old friend Admiral Ammen did some 
admirable work. Mr. Fish did not feel the same interest, but 
he did all that was necessar)-. There are several routes for 
such a canal, but the best one is that through Nicaragua. The 
Lesseps plan cannot succeed. I studied the question thor- 
oughly, and read all the reports. As a young officer I crossed 
the continent on the Nicaragua route, and I have no doubt that 
it is the true one. I may not live to see it done, but it must be 
some day. The route through Columbia is expensive and diffi- 
cult on account of the rocks and streams. The Panama route 
would be difficult and expensive. There would be tunnels to 
cut. The tropical winter rains, and the torrents that would 
sweep into the canal, carrying rocks, trees, stones, and other 
debris, would make the keeping of the canal in order a costly 
business. On the Tehuantepec route the water would have 
to be raised so high, by a system of locks, that it could not 
pay. Nature seems to have made the route through Nic- 
aragua. Ammen collected an immense mass of information on 
the subject, which now is in the Navy Department. It will be 
found of inestimable value when the time comes. Ammen 
showed great ability and. industry in doing this work for an- 
other generation. Mr. Fish made drafts of all the treaties nec- 
essary with Costa Rica and Nicaragua. He also considered 
and arranged all the questions that might arise with foreign 
powers as to the control of the canal, and left everything to the 
State Department ready for action when the time comes. After 
Mr. Hayes' came in, I called on Mr. Evarts and spent an hour 
with him going over the whole subject, telling him what we had 
done, and explaining the exact position in which I had left the 
question. I urged upon him the value of the work. I sup- 
pose, however, Mr. Hayes finds the same difficulty that I 
encountered, the difficulty of interesting people in the subject. 
But it will come, it must come. If we do not do it, our 


children will. The governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua 
are favorable. They would be the gainers. Our capital, our 
enterprise, our industry would go in and make a garden on 



the banivs of the: 

canal, a garden from 

sea to sea. Coffei 

would be raised and ' " 

other tropical crops 

enough for our own use and to supply other nations. It 

would be a great gain to the Pacific coast. When I talked 

to Stanford of the Pacific road, in the anticipation that his 

railroad interests would make him inimical to another trans- 



port route, 1 found that he favored it. It would divert tlie 
tea trade from China. Ammen made a calculation showing 
that in the carrying of wheat alone enough would be saved 
to pay the interest on the eighty millions of dollars neces- 
sary to build the canal. And wheat is only one of the many 
products that would be benefited'. I estimate eighty millions 
as the maximum fitrure! I counted the cost. Then I added 


twenty-five per cent, to the cost to cover waste and profit, 
then a hundred per cent, to allow for the unusual difficulties in 
the way of labor in the tropics. It would aid in solving the 
Chinese question. California would find a place for the Chi- 
nese laborers who are now worrying her. The more this ques- 
tion is studied the more our people will see its wisdom. Public 
opinion should be educated so as to press the subject upon Con- 
gressmen. The press could do no better work than to agitate 
the question. The only people who would be injured would 
be some of the South American States. My opinion is, it would 
add largely to the wealth of the Pacific coast, and, perhaps, 
chanee the whole current of the trade of the world." 

An allusion was made to the differences of opinion that exist 
among a people as numerous as the English on great questions, 
and especially on the Eastern Question. " I did not know 
much," said the General, " about the Eastern Question until I 
came to Europe. The more I looked into it, the more I was 
drawn irresistibly to the belief that the Russian side was the 
true one. Perhaps I should say the side of Mr. Gladstone. On 
the Eastern Question there is more diversity in England than 
elsewhere. As I was traveling through the East, I tried hard 
to find something in the policy of the English government to 
approve. But I could not. I was fresh from England, and 
wanted to be in accord with men who had shown me as much 
kindness as Lord Beaconsfield and his colleagues. But it was 
impossible. England's policy in the East is hard, reactionary, 
and selfish. No one can visit those wonderful lands on the 
Mediterranean, without seeing what they might be under a 
good government. I do not care under which flag the govern- 
ment flourished, English or French, Italian or Russian, its in- 


fluencc would be felt at once in the increased happiness of the 
people, toleration to all religions, and great prosperity. Take 
the country, for instance, that extends from Joppa to Jerusa- 
lem! — the plain of Sharon and the hills and valleys beyond. 
What a o-arden the French would make of that ! Think what 
a crop of wheat could be raised there, within easy sail of the 
best markets ! As I understand the Eastern Question, the 
great obstacle to the good government of these countries is 
England. Unless she can control them herself she will allow 

S no one else. That I call a 
"^ selfish policy. I cannot see the 
humanity of keeping those noble countries under a barbarous 
rule, merely because there are apprehensions about the road to 
India. If England went in and took them herself I should be 
satisfied. But if she will not, why keep other nations out? It 
seems to me that the Eastern Question could be settled easily 
enough if the civilizing powers of Europe were to sink their 
differences and take hold. Russia seems to be the only power 
that really means to settle it, and it is a mistake of England 
that she has not been allowed to do so with the general sym- 
pathy of the world." 


This led to a rambling talk about the countries of Europe 
which the General had visited. "The two sections of my 
tour," said the General, " which, as a mere pleasure -jaunt, were 
most agreeable, were Sweden and Norway, and Egypt. If I 
were to indicate a model European trip, I would say, Egypt in 
the winter, Sweden and Norway in the summer. I would like 
nothing better than to take a dahabeeah and go up the Nile 
next winter. It is the perfection of winter climate, just as 
Sweden and Norway have the perfection of summer climate. 
England was of course the most enjoyable part of the trip in 
other respects. It was the next thing to going home. Scot- 
land was especially interesting. I enjoyed my visit to Dun- 
robin, where the Duke of Sutherland lives, and also to Inver- 
ary, the home of the Duke of Argyle. I was prepared to like 
the Duke of Argyle from his course in our war, and I left 
Inverary with the greatest respect and esteem for him. I met 
no man in Europe who inspired a higher feeling than the Duke. 
I received nothing but the utmost kindness from every English- 
man, from the head of the nation down. Next to my own 
country, there is none I love so much as England. Some of 
the newspapers at home invented a story to the effect that the 
Prince of Wales had been rude to me. It was a pure inven- 
tion. I cannot conceive of the Prince of Wales beine rude to 
any man. I met him on several occasions in London and 
Paris, and he treated me with the utmost courtesy and kind- 

"Speaking of the notable men I have met in Europe," said 
General Grant, " I regard Bismarck and Gambetta as the 
greatest. I saw a good deal of Bismarck in Berlin, and later 
in Gastein, and had long talks with him. He impresses you 
as a great man. In some respects his manners and his appear- 
ance, especially when you see him in profile, remind you of 
General Butler. Gambetta also impressed me greatly. I was 
not surprised when I met him to see the power he wielded over 
France. I should not be surprised at any prominence he might 
attain in the future. I was very much pleased with the Repub- 
lican leaders in P" ranee. They seemed a superior body of men. 

VOL. II. 1 I 


My relations with them gave me great hopes for the future of 
the repubUc. They were men apparently of sense, wisdom, 
and moderation." 

" I remember in Gibraltar," said the General, " talking 
with Lord Napier of our Mexican war. Lord Napier said he 
understood that there was a great deal of very savage fighting 
between the United States soldiers and the Mexicans, that he 
had read stories at the time of bowie-knife encounters and 
other savage performances. I told him that when we were in 
the army in Mexico we used to be amused at reading of the 

M(;NAL pagoda. RANGtION. 

deeds of heroism attributed to officers and soldiers, none of 
which we ever saw. The Mexicans were badly commanded, 
and there was very little hard fighting during that war, at least 
nothing to be compared with what was seen afterward in our 
own. Our soldiers had only to show the bayonet at the Mex- 
icans and they would run. As to the bowie-knife, I do not 
think one was used during the war. It was a pity to see good 
troops used as the Mexican soldiers were in those campaigns. 
I do not think a more incompetent set of officers ever existed 
than those who commanded the Mexicans. With an able gen- 
eral the Mexicans would make a good fight, for they are a 
courageous people. But I do not suppose any war was ever 



fought with reference to which so many romances were invented 
as the war in Mexico." 

"When our war ended," said General Grant, "I uro-ed 
upon President Johnson an immediate invasion of Mexico. I 
am not sure whether I wrote him or not, but I pressed the 
matter frequently upon Mr. Johnson and Mr. Seward. You 
see. Napoleon in Mexico was really a part, and an active part, 
of the rebellion. His army was as much opposed to us as that 
of Kirby Smith. Even apart from his desire to establish a 
monarchy, and overthrow a friendly republic, against which 
every loyal American revolted, there was the active co-opera- 
tion between the French and the rebels on the Rio Grande 
which made it an act of war. I believed then, and I believe 
now, that we had a just cause of war with Maximilian, and with 
Napoleon if he supported him — with Napoleon especially, as he 
was the head of the whole business. We were so placed that 
we were bound to fight him. I sent Sheridan off to the Rio 
Grande. I sent him post haste, not giving him time to partici- 
pate in the farewell review. My plan was to give him a corps, 
have him cross the Rio Grande, join Juarez, and attack Max- 
imilian. With his corps he could have walked over Mexico. 
Mr. Johnson seemed to favor my plan, but Mr. Seward was 
opposed, and his opposition was decisive." 

The remark was made that such a move necessarily meant 
a war with France. 

" I suppose so," said the General. " But with the army that 
we had on both sides at the close of the war, what did we care 
for Napoleon ? Unless Napoleon surrendered his Mexican pro- 
ject I was for fighting Napoleon. There never was a more 
just cause for war than what Napoleon gave us. With our 
army we could do as we pleased. We had a victorious army, 
trained in four years of war, and we had the whole South to 
recruit from. I had that in my mind when I proposed the 
advance on Mexico. I wanted to employ and occupy the 
Southern army. We had destroyed the career of many of 
them at home, and I wanted them to go to Mexico. I am not 
sure now that I was sound in that conclusion. I have thought 



that their devotion to slavery and their familiarity with the in- 
stitution would have led them to introduce slavery, or something 
like it, into Mexico, which would have been a calamity. Still, 
my plan at the time was to induce the Southern troops to go to 
Mexico, to go as soldiers under Sheridan, and remain as set- 
tlers. I was especially anxious that Kirby Smith with his com- 
mand should go over. Kirby Smith had not surrendered, and 
I was not sure that he would not give us trouble before sur- 
rendering. Mexico seemed an outlet for the disappointed and 
dangerous elements in the South, elements brave and warlike 
and energetic enough, and with their share of the best quali- 
ties of the Anglo-Saxon character, but irreconcilable in their 
hostility to the Union. As our people had saved the Union 
and meant to keep it, and manage it as we liked, and not as 
they liked, it seemed to me that the best place for our defeated 
friends was Mexico. It was better for them and better for us. 
I tried to make Lee think so when he surrendered. They 
would have done perhaps as great a work in Mexico as has 
been done in California." 

It was suggested that Mr. Seward's objection to attack 
Napoleon was his dread of another war. The General said : 
" No one dreaded war more than I did. I had more than 
I wanted. But the war would have been national, and we 
could have united both sections under one flae. The. o-Qod 
results accruing from that would in themselves have compen- 
sated for another war, even if it had come, and such a war 
as it must have been under Sheridan and his army — short, 
quick, decisive, and assuredly triumphant. We could have 
marched from die Rio Grande to Mexico without a serious 

In one of our conversations upon the General's desire to 
drive Maximilian out of Mexico at the close of the Secession 
war, the observation was made that such a war would have had 
an important bearing upon the fortunes of Napoleon. " No one 
can tell what the results would have been in France," said the 
General; "but I believe they would have been very important. 
Maximilian's life would have been saved. If Sheridan had gone 



into Mexico, he would of course have saved Maximilian. We 
should never have consented to that unfortunate and unneces- 
sary execution. I don't think Napoleon could have rallied 
France into a war against us in defense of slavery. You see 
that he could not rally it against Prussia. His empire, never 
really strong, would have had such a shock that it would most 
probably have fallen, as fall it did five years later, and France 
would now be a republic — minus Sedan. Mr. Seward's objec- 
tion to my Mexican plan cost Maximilian his life and gave the 

emperor five more years of power. Still, Mr. Seward may 
have been right. War is so terrible that I can conceive of no 
reason short of a defense of the national honor or integrity that 
can justify it." 

This led to a conversation upon the character of the French 
emperor and of Napoleonism generally. " I have always had," 
said General Grant, "an aversion to Napoleon and the whole 
family. When I was in Denmark the Prince Imperial was 
there, and some one thought it might be pleasant for me to 
meet him. I declined, saying I did not want to see him or any 

,5^ rc\vr5:r5:i7rt\\:5^ ttrrh' i.7j:.\atAL GXM\T—PCx.vAit. 

ofhisUmiiy. Ofcvx : <;mj^xerv>r ^ ^ 
bet — ^'' *"' " — ■; cru<;i mep. 
skk - c see a rt\.ieen- ^ < 
character. He abused France K>r his own ends, and brcH.ii:hc 
incredible disasters upcxi his countn* to gratiliY hb sehish ambi- 
tioo 1 do not xb' '■ ^ genius can excuse a crime like that. 
Tbe third Napo i> wocst^ r*- -'' '"'^'^ f^'-^t. the ^ < ■^■>-' i.I 
enemy ot America ert)". .. -er>" he , . 
upon France by a war which, under the ctrcutristances* no one 
but a madman would have declared. I ne\-er doubted how the 
war w '^ ' -■' " < - -'-'■- -•• '' -■ -■ en- 
tirely v.... - - t 'c'-'^- 

but to N- After Sedan 1 thought Germany should 

hax-e made peace with France, and 1 think that ii" peace 
hftd been made then, in a treaty which wtxi" " " ^" > 

that the war iras not against the F-^-'' — , : 

a tyrant and his d^Tvastv. the cv 

iK»w be dSiiierent. Germany especially would be in a belter 
conditioo, without being c : to arm e\-er>- man. and 

drain the country ever^- )-ear sJl us \x>ung men to arm against 

" Any one," said the General '" who looked at the cv 
tio«is of ^»e war between Germany and France, and who knew 
anything about war. could not help seeing the result. 1 ne\-er 
in 1 mind doubted th '" '~~ ' -"'^ —lany 

hac . to make even.- nu. ^ . ,„ ^ ^ and 

ut»der fc.>rty-&ve a trained soldier, enr some ocgii 

W"hen reiniibrcemencs were required to -ew le>-ies were tit few 
the most desperate work tirom the n^-: •■ ^-'ortt ot" t.> ' 
tteld. The French poIic\- under N'a ';"■:■ v, •;»■•- ^..,.. 

The empire distnistevl the people — rc-ver ^.iv ^ e its 

cottftdeoce- The people were not ooJy dtstrusted. and kept 
firotn the discipline of arms, but were rendered as unfit as pos- 
sible to become soldiers in an em<; . ' ,, , -.istained 
by the Germans were at once repLw-^ -- ^.;octi\"e as 
those who havl been disabled. Lotsses s. - by the Fretich. 
if replaced, were by men who were an element ot' weakness 



until they could have a few months trauiing out of the way of 
a hostile force. Under these circumstances how was it possible 
for any one on reflection to doubt the result. There exists, and 
has since the foundation of our government always existed, a 
traditional friendship between our people and the French. I 
had this feeling in common with my countrymen. But I felt at 
the same time that no people had so great an interest in the 
removal of Napoleonism from France as the French people. 
No man outside of France has a deeper interest in the success 
of the French republic than I have." 

" I never shared the apprehension felt by so many of our 
leading men," said General Grant, "as to the recognition of 
the Southern rebellion, as a Confederacy, by England or 
France, or by both. It used to be the great bugbear during 
the war that the Confederacy might be recognized. Well, 
suppose it had been recognized! It would not have interfered 
with Canby, or Meade, or Sherman, who would have kept on 
marching. I am sure I should not have drawn away from 
Richmond. It would not have interfered with our money sup- 
plies, as we were buying our own loans. It would not have 
affected supplies of men, as we did not have more than three 
per cent, of our army who were not full citizens when the war 
began. We would have gone on about the same, and ended 
about the same. The difference would have been with Eng- 
land. We could not have resisted a war with Enoland. Such 
a war, under the conditions of the two countries, would have 
meant the withdrawal of England from the American continent. 
Canada would have become ours. If Sheridan, for instance, 
with our resources, could not have taken Canada in thirty days 
he should have been cashiered. I don't mean this as a reflec- 
tion upon the patriotism or bravery of the people of Canada, 
they are as good a people as live, but facts were against 
them. We could have thrown half a million of men into their 
country, not militia but men inured to war. They would have 
covered Canada like a wave. I'hen, if you look at the map, 
you will find that the strategic and defensive points of the 
Canadian frontier are within our lines. It seems odd that Ene- 


land should have consented to a treaty that leaves her colony 
at the mercy of another country, but so it is. There is no 
English soldier who would risk his reputation by attempting to 
defend such a line against the United States. Well, England 
might have bombarded or occupied the Atlantic cities, or laid 


them under contribution. It does not do a town much harm to 
bombard it, as I found out at Vicksburg. If she had occupied 
the cities she would have had to feed the people, which would 
have been very expensive. If she had laid them under con- 
tribution the nation would have paid the bill, and England 
would have lost ten dollars for every one she exacted. She 


might liave blockaded our coasts. Well, I cannot think of any- 
thing that would do America more good than a year or two of 
effective blockade. It would create industries, throw us back 
upon ourselves, teach us to develop our own resources. We 
should have to smuo<rle in our coffee — we could raise our own 
tea. It would keep our people at home. Hundreds if not 
thousands of privateers would have preyed upon English com- 
merce, as English-built ships preyed upon ours. The war 
would have left her carrying trade where our trade was. If 
England were to blockade our ports, she would succeed in 
nothing so effectively as in cutting off her own supplies of food. 
America really depends u]wn the world for nothing. England 
might have sent troops to help the South, but she would have 
to send many more than she did to the Crimea to have made 
herself felt. Her soldiers would not have been as good as 
Lee's, because they lacked training. They would have been 
simply so many raw levies in Lee's army. So far as I was con- 
cerned I see no end to such an intervention but the destruction 
of the English power on the American continent. Other 
nations would have come in. The moment England struck us, 
she would have been struck by her enemies elsewhere. It 
would have been a serious matter to have made such a war, so 
far as English opinion was concerned. For these reasons I 
never feared the bugbear of intervention. I am glad it did not 
take place, especially glad for the sake of England. I never 
desired war with Enofland. I do not want an inch of her terri- 
tory, nor would I consider her American possessions worth a 
regiment of men. They are as much ours now as if they were 
under our flag. I mean that they are carrying out American 
ideas in religion, education, and civilization. Perhaps I should 
say we are carrying out English ideas. It is the same thing, 
for we are the same. But the men who governed England 
were wise in not taking an active part in our war. It would 
have been more trouble to us, but destruction to them. We 
could not have avoided war, and our war would have begun 
with more than a million of men in the field. That was our 
aggregate force when the war ended, and it was a match lor 


any army in the world, for any at least that could be assembled 
on the American continent." 

On the 19th of March we had crossed the Bay of Bengal, 
and when the morning rose we found ourselves at the mouth 
of the river, waiting for the tide to carry us up to Rangoon. 
It was noon before we reached Rangoon. Two British men- 
of-war in the stream manned their yards in honor of General 
Grant. All the vessels in the stream were dressed, and our 
jaunty little " Simla" streamed with bunting. The landing was 
covered with scarlet cloth, and amoag the decorations were 
English and American flags. All the town seemed to be out, 
and the river banks were lined with the multitude looking on 
at the pageant in passive Oriental fashion. As soon as our boat 
came to the wharf Mr. Aitcheson, the Commissioner, came on 
board, accompanied by Mr. Leishmann, the American Vice-Con- 
sul, and bade the General welcome to Burmah. On landing, 
the General was presented to the leading citizens and officials 
and the officers of the men-of-war, the guard of honor presented 
arms, and we all drove away to Government House, a pretty, 
commodious bungalow in the suburbs, buried among trees. 
Mr. Aitcheson, our host, is one of the most distinguished officers 
in the Indian service. He was for some time Foreign Secre- 
tary of Calcutta. Burmah, however, is already one of the most 
important of the British colonies in Asia, and this importance is 
not diminished by the critical relations between British Burmah 
and the court of the king. Consequently England requires the 
best service possible in Burmah, and as a result of her policy 
of sending her wisest men to the most useful places, Mr. Aitche- 
son finds himself in Rangoon. We may be said, in fact, to have 
arrived in Burmah during a crisis, and we had read in the Cal- 
cutta papers of the deep feeling created throughout Burmah by 
the atrocities of the new king, who had murdered most of his 
relatives and was talking about taking- off the head of the Brit- 
ish Resident at Mandalay. We also read that there was ex- 
citement among the people, commotion, a universal desire foi 
the punishment of this worthless king and the annexation of 
Upper Burmah. I expected to find the streets of Rangoon 



lined with people, as at home during an exciting election can- 
vass, clamoring against the king, demanding the beneficent 
rule of England. I only saw the patient, dreamy, plodding 
Asiatic, bearino- his burdens 
like his brethren in India, con- 
tent if he can assure a mess 
of rice for his food and a scrap 
of muslin for his loins. As to 
the rest, accept it as an axiom 
that when the moral sensibili- 
ties of the English statesmen 
in India become so outraged 
as to become uncontrollable 
it means more territory. 

Our days in Rangoon were 
pleasant. The town is inter- 
esting. It is Asiatic, and at 
the same time not Indian. 
You have left Hindostan and 
all the forms of that vivid and 
extraordinary civilization, and 
you come upon a new people. 
Here you meet the inscruta- 
ble John, who troubles you so 
much in California, and whose fate is the gravest problem of 
our day. You see Chinese signs on the houses, Chinese work- 
men on the streets, shops where you can drink toddy and smoke 
opium. This is the first ripple we have seen of that teeming 
empire toward which we are steering. Politically Burmah is a 
part of the British empire, but it is commercially one of the out- 
posts of China, and from now until we leave Japan we shall be 
under the influence of China. The Hindoos you meet are from 
Madras, a different type from those we saw on our tour. The 
Burmese look like Chinese to our unskilled eyes, and it is pleas- 
ant to see women on the streets and in society. The streets 
are wide and rectangular, like those of Philadelphia, and the 
shade trees are grateful. Over the city, on a height, which 


172 COXVF.RS.irJOXS with general GRANT— BURMAH. 

you can sec from afar, is a pagoda, one of the most famous in 
Asia. It is covered with gilt, and in the evening, when we 
first saw it, the sun's rays made it dazzling. We knew from 
the pagoda that in leaving India and coming to Burmah we 
leave the land of Brahma and come to the land of Buddha and 
that remarkable religion called Buddhism. 

In the sixth century before Jesus Christ came upon the earth 
there lived near Benares a man whose influence has not been 
exceeded by that of any spiritual teacher known in history. 
This was Sakya Muni, better known as Buddha — " The Wise." 
He belonged to the military caste descended from the sun, 
whose decendants still reign in Rajpootana, among them our 
friend the Maharajah of Jeypore. Sakya Muni was the son 
of a prince who reigned in a small territory about a hundred 
miles north of Benares. He was not a priest, but, on the con- 
trary, belonged to a class upon which the priests looked down 
— the " military class," who governed states and commanded 
armies. He lived until he was thirty, as such princes are apt 
to do, seeking pleasure and excitement, ever ready for the camp 
or the chase. There came upon Sakya Muni in his thirtieth 
year a sense of unworthiness — a feeling that there were better 
things than physical gratification. He became an enthusiast, 
and, like Loyola, dedicated himself to religion — to the practice 
of the most severe forms of asceticism. Christian monasticism 
is pale in its exactions when compared with what an Indian 
devotee will undergo. To sit under a tree with an arm uplifted 
for years until the member shrinks and withers; to lie on the 
ground under the rain and sun; to stand all day on one foot; to 
go naked in winter and summer ; to accept death in the most 
cruel forms, walking to a funeral pile and lying down among 
the flames ; to live in the woods and the jungle, subsisting on 
roots and fruits and leaves — these are amone the methods of 
the devotion which Sakya Muni embraced. He sat down 
under a tree and there remained in meditation for five years. 
He thought of the sins and sorrows of the world, its vanity 
and selfishness, the canker of ambition, the shame of vice, 
of the immorality of priests, the disrespect shown to sacred 



things, and the general unsettling of all goodness and virtue. 
For five years he remained in silence, in seclusion, with no 
roof but the tree, exiled from court and palace and throne 
and the attraction of a military career. During these years of 
meditation he devised a new faith, and rising journeyed to 
Benares, the holy city, and preached his faith. The essential 
principle was that man by meditation might make himself so 
holy as to come into the possession of that knowledge which 


God only bestows upon the most holy, and which raises the man 
himself to the rank of deity. In other words, that man by 
goodness might become God. 

Many dogmas have been proclaimed by the various religious 
teachers who have arisen from age to age to control and lead 
mankind. But I know of none more daring or more fascinating 
than this which came to Sakya Muni as he sat under his tree, 
that man by virtue and holiness may make himself God. He 
became at the end of five years Buddha, and in this character, as 
the human expression of deity, visited Benares. For forty-five 


years he preached his faith in Benares, and from place to place 
throughout India, making converts, encouraging disciples, plant- 
ing the seeds of his religion, until when he died he had won a 
divine recognition, and his religion was so firmly planted that 
for centuries it was the religion of one-half the human race. 
Even now, although the Brahmins have expelled it from a 
greater part of India, you find it here in Burmah; and you know 
that it rules in China, in Thibet, in Japan, and is, perhaps, the 
dominant religion of the world. What is pleasant to know in 
the progress of this faith is that no blood was ever shed to en- 
force it. Mohammed founded a creed and an empire, but he 
carried his religion at the point of his sword. Sakya Muni, 
like Jesus Christ, was content with preaching and teaching, and, 
apart from the blasphemy which Christians see in the rejection 
of the deity, his teachings form a commendable code of moral 
law. Subtle expounders of these teachings have changed this 
law. Some believe in a Supreme Being, an eternal God, who 
remains in a state of everlasting repose — not an active and an 
angry God like that of the Jews, who slew enemies and visited 
his punishments upon the third and fourth generations of those 
who disobeyed the commandments. Others believe that this 
Supreme Being is only another name for nature, and that with 
him is a second deity associated, something like the Father and 
Son in our own Holy Trinity. These two gods unite and form 
a third being, who created the world, thus shadowing forth in 
a startling manner the mystery of the Trinity, and showing that 
the idea of the Trinity had been dimly seen by good men of 
the Indian race before our Saviour preached it. The leading 
theory in the Buddhist faith is repose, that with repose there 
may be meditation, and from meditation felicity. Another 
dogma is that there were other Buddhas before Sakya Muni ; 
that each Buddha belonged to a separate world ; that Sakya 
Muni's world will last five thousand years, when another will 
come and bring a new world with him. In this dogma one sees 
the doctrine of geological ages — of a Messiah coming again — 
of the destruction of the world. Each world leads into a higher 
stage of existence, so that even the exponents of Darwin's ^ 


theory of evolution may find that its essential principle was 
thought out more than two thousand years ago by an Indian 
prince sitting under a tree. There are many variations of this 
faith, the most important of which is that there are stages of 
moral development, men rising into higher grades of felicity by 
the sanctity of their lives. No one has ever succeeded in reach- 
ing to the knowledge which came to Sakya Muni, the profes- 
sion of which is the creed of every Buddhist. There are various 
translations of this creed, which one finds written over the 
temples — " All things proceed from cause. Their cause hath 
Buddha explained. Buddha hath also explained the causes of 
the cessation of existence." This lacks the ringing, martial 
force of the creed of Islam — " There is no God but God, and 
Mohammed is his prophet." It wants the supreme, majestic 
declaration recorded in the Hebrew Scriptures — " I am that I 
am." It fails in that lofty beauty with which John records the 
creed of Christians — " In the beijinninsf was the Word, and the 
Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was 
in the beginning with God. All things were made by him ; and 
without him was not anything made that was made. In him 
was life ; and the life was the light of men." But one notes a 
resemblance between the two creeds — the one of Buddha and 
that of John. Each recognizes the beginning of things, the 
Divinit}' which then reigned, and the end of things over which 
Divinity will reign ; and the mystery which arose from the 
meditations of the Indian prince, as well as that which was 
revealed to the beloved disciple, is the mystery which to- 
day possesses and perplexes every Christian soul, and which 
will only be known in that day when all things are made 

There are other phases in the Buddhist faith which are 
worthy of mention. The institution of caste, upon which the 
Hindoo faith and the whole structure of Hindoo society rests, 
is not known in Buddhism. There is no priestly class like the 
Brahniins, claiming grotesque, selfish, and extraordinary priv- 
ileges, descending from father to son ; claiming honors almost 
divine, and teaching that all the o-ood things of the world are 



especially intended for the Brahmins. The priests, like those 
in the Catholic Church, are taken from any rank in life. They 
do not marry. They deny themselves all pleasures of sense, 


live a monastic life, dress in yellow gowns — yellow being a 
sacred color — shave their heads and beards, and walk bare- 
footed. They live in common, eat in common. When they 
sleep it is in a sitting posture. They go to church, pray, chant 


hymns, make offerings to their gods — principal among them a 
statue of Buddha, sometimes alone, sometimes with his dis- 
ciples. The statue of Buddha holds the same position in the 
temples of his faith that the statue of our Saviour holds in the 
Catholic churches. As you go into these temples you are im- 
pressed with other forms of resemblance between the two 
systems of worship. The priests go in procession. They chant 
hymns and prayers and burn incense. They carry strings of 
beads like the rosary, which they count and fumble as they say 
their prayers. There is no single solemn ceremony like the 
sacrifice of the mass. Priests and people kneel before the 
images, surrounded with blazing waxlights, the air heavy with 
incense. They pray together, the priests only known by the 
yellow gowns. They pray kneeling, with clasped uplifted hands. 
Sometimes they hold in their hands a rose, or a morsel of rice, 
or a fragment of bread as an offering. During their prayers 
they frequently bend their bodies so that the face touches the 
ground. They have convents for women. The temples are 
places of rest and refuge. Hither come the unfortunate, the 
poor, the needy, the halt, the blind, the belated traveller. All 
are received and all are given food and alms. As you walk into 
the temples it is generally through a lane of unfortunates, in all 
stages of squalor and wretchedness, abandoned by the world. 
Travs or basins of iron are stretched along- the road, in which 
attendants pour uncooked rice. Animal life is held sacred, and 
a Buddhist temple looks like a barnyard, a village pound, and a 
church combined. Cows, parrots, monkeys, dogs, beggars, 
children, priests, sight-seers, devotees — all mingle and blend on 
a footing of friendliness, the animals fearing no harm, the men 
meaning none. A Buddhist priest will not kill an animal. 
His sacrifices do not involve bloodshed. Before he sits on the 
ground he will carefully brush it, least he might unwittingly 
crush an ant or a worm. This respect for animal life is so 
strong that some priests will wear a gauze cloth over mouth 
and nostrils least they inadvertently inhale some of the smaller 
insects which live in the air. I am curious to know what would 
become of this tenet of their religion if they were to examine 
VOL. n. — 12 



the air or water with a microscope. 1 am afraid the discoveries 
of the microscope would bring sorrow and shame to thousands 
of beheving souls. 

Our first visit was to the famous pagoda which rests upon 
Rangoon like a crown of gold, its burnished splendor seen from 
afar. The pagoda is in the center of a park of about two 
acres, around which are fortifications. These fortifications were 
defended by the Burmese during their war with the English, 
and in the event of a sudden outbreak, or a mutiny, or a war, 
would at once be occupied. During the Burmese wars the 


pagoda was always used as a fort, and now, in the event of an 
alarm, or an invasion, or a mutiny, the troops and people would 
at once take possession. Ever since that horrible Sunday after- 
noon in Meerut, when the Sepoys broke out of their barracks, 
burned every house and butchered every woman and child in 
the European quarter, all these Asiatic settlements have a place 
of refuge to which the population can fly. A small guard was 
on duty as we passed up the ragged steps that led to the 
pagoda. There was an ascent of seventy-five feet up a series of 
steps — a gejitle and not a tiresome ascent if you looked carefully 


and did not stumble among the jagged and crumbling stones. 
On either side of the way were devotees at prayers, or beggars 
waiting for their rice, or booths where you could buy false 
pearls, imitation diamonds, beads, packages of gold-leaf, flowers, 
and cakes. The trinkets and flowers are given as offerings to 
Buddha. The gold-leaf is sold for acts of piety. If the devout 
Buddhist has a little money he lays it out on the pagoda. He 
buys a package of the gold-leaf and covers with it some dingy 
spot on the pagoda, and adds his mite to the glory of the 
temple. No one is so poor that he cannot make some offering. 
We observed several devout Buddhists at work patching the 
temple with their gold-foil. On the top of the temple is an 
umbrella or cap covered with precious stones. This was a 
royal oftering, and was placed here some years since with great 

Interesting, however, as Rangoon has been in its religious 
aspect, it was even more so as an illustration of the growth of 
an Asiatic colony under the rule of Great Britain. When Bur- 
mah was taken by the British it was believed that the East India 
Company would find it a costly and useless acquisition. Now 
it is one of the most valuable of the colonies, presenting a good 
field for capital and enterprise. Property is secure ; the climate, 
under the sanitary regulations, as good as in any of the tropics, 
and labor is very cheap. The rice crop is the largest, reaching 
nearly 2,500,000 acres. About six-sevenths of the soil under cul- 
tivation is given to rice. Then comes tobacco, the betel-nut, and 
the banana. Unsuccessful efforts have been made to raise wheat, 
flax, and tea. Petroleum exists, although the New York brand 
was seen in every village we visited. There are mines of lead, 
iron, copper, antimony, and tin. But as all the mines yielded 
in 1877 only $30,000, they must be largely developed; but 
they add to the resources of the province. For generations 
there has been a trade in rubies and sapphires, gold and silver, 
and one of the titles of the king is the " Proprietor of the Mines 
of the Rubies, Gold, and Silver." These mines are undeveloped, 
and there is no correct knowledge of their value. The Q-rowth 
of Burmah, and especially the position of Rangoon, as the com- 


mercial center, made a deep impression upon General Grant, who 
finds no part of his visit to Asia so interesting as the study of 
the resources of these countries and the possibiHties of advancing 
American commerce. There is no subject, the General thinks, 
more worthy of our attention as a nation than the development 
of this commerce in the East. Practically we have no place in 
these markets. If our merchandise comes at all, it is in English 
ships. Americans who come to Asia see the fruits of American 

J>iKfc,J-. I IN 

industry and capital, which before they enter the market must 
pay a tax to England in the shape of freights and the profits 
of English business. The whole trade is with Great Britain, 
British India, and the Straits Settlements. The Burmah trade 
embraced in one year four hundred and fifty-six vessels, while 
America entered and cleared thirty vessels. England has a 
virtual monopoly, and especially in calico prints and light silk 
and gauze goods. In one year this ran up to 30,000,000 yards. 
Clocks and watches, beads and false pearls, also form a large 
part of the imports. Machinery, matches, leather, salt, and 


silks are also principal articles. The United States sent direct 
only forty dollars' worth of provisions. Even the petroleum 
came under other flags. The exports during the same time 
were rice, raw caoutchouc, a little cotton, raw hides, cutch, and 
jewelry — not an ounce going to the United States. Rice 
pays an export duty, which seems to be a hardship. Of course 
the fact that the British government rules Burmah aids largely 
in the monopoly of the trade. But the ports are as free to 
American ships as Liverpool and Cardiff General Grant, 
speaking of these facts, and of the impression made upon him 
by British India, said he knew of no point which offered as good 
an opening for American enterprise as Rangoon. The prin- 
cipal articles of export — rice and hides — are always in de- 
mand in the United States. This gives a basis for trade upon 
which you can rely. The articles which Burmah receives can 
be manufactured as cheaply in America as in England. There 
is no reason why in cotton goods we could not surpass Eng- 
land, as we have our own cotton and our own labor. To meet 
this demand it is necessary to study the Oriental taste — what 
the natives fancy in the way of color, texture, and decoration. 
The English manufacturers send to the East for Oriental pat- 
terns and reproduce them. Ingenious men sometimes create a 
market, and there are no people more impressible than the 
Orientals. Some time ago the king put a new top on the 
pagoda. The occasion was observed as a fete. An enterprising 
dealer had a cheap calico handkerchief printed with a cut of 
the pagoda as it appeared with the new top, and opened his 
consignment in time for the fete. The result was that all Bur- 
mah ran after this handkerchief. Another article that could be 
imported from America so as to become a constant trade is ice. 
Ice is made by machinery ; but it is poor, dear, and unsatisfac- 
tory, and the machinery is always getting out of order. Ice is 
a necessity in the tropics all the year round. An ice famine is 
one of the greatest calamities that can befall a European com- 
munity. If proper houses were built for storing the ice it could 
be made a steady and profitable trade. Then we have petro- 
leum and that infinite variety of knick-knacks called Yankee 


notions. A trade based on those articles, established in Ran- 
goon, would supply Burmah, permeate Upper Burmah, Siam, 
and China, and make its way into the islands and settlements. 

I throw out these ideas for any of my enterprising readers 
who care to seize an opportunity, even if they come to Asia to 
find one, and because it is a part of that interesting subject 
which now appears to be occupying the attention of our govern- 
ment — the extension of American trade. If, as Mr. Gladstone 
says, America is passing England in a canter in the race for 


commercial supremacy, the time would seem to be at hand 
when we should do somethingf in Asia. To do this we should 
increase and strengthen our consular service. We should have 
as consular agents Americans, or gentlemen whose interests are 
in the development of American trade. Our consuls out here, 
so far as I have seen them, are good men, and you would not 
wish a better American, or one more alive to the business in- 
terests of the nation than the Consul-General for British India, 
General Litchfield. But in Rangoon we have a member of an 


Eng-lish firm — a orentleman who has never been in tlie United 
States — a most worthy man, but not interested in American 
trade. The reason he has been appointed is because there are 
no Americans in Rangoon but the missionaries, and in charac- 
ter, social standing-, and so oil, the appointment is a good one. 
The point I am making is, that the consular representatives of a 
great nation like America should have its own people looking 
after its own affairs. Encrlishmen know little and care less 


about our trade, and the government should do its part toward 
extending our commerce in the East by putting our interests in 
American hands ; private enterprise will do the rest ; and I am 
giving not merely my own opinion, which is nothing, but that 
of one whose judgment on such matters is surpassed by none 
other of our statesmen, when I say that no country in the East 
is more worthy of the attention of our merchants than Burmah ; 
that the harvest is ripe, and whoever comes in will reap a hun- 




|FTER leaving Rangoon we ran across to the little 
town of Moulmain. Here General Grant and party 
were received by Colonel Duff, the British Com- 
missioner. There was a guard of honor at the 
wharf, and a gathering of what appeared to be the whole town. 
The evening after we arrived there was a dinner given by the 
Moulmain Volunteer Rifles, a militia organization composed 
of the merchants of Moulmain and young men in the service 
of the government. This dinner was given in the mess-room of 
the company, a little bungalow in the outskirts of the town. 
The next morning there was a visit to the wood-yards, where 
teak wood is sawed and sent as an article of commerce into 
various countries. The teak tree is a feature in the commerce 
and the industry of the peninsula, and is said to be the most 
durable timber in Asia. The Javanese name for teak illus- 
trates its character, meaning true, real, genuine. It is only 




found in a few places, being quite unknown in parts of India 
and the adjoining islands. Most of the wood comes, I was 
told, from Java, and we found in Moulmain and Rangoon large 
and flourishing industries devoted to teak. What most inter- 
ested us in our visit to the yards was the manner in which the 
elephant is used as an animal of burden. 

We have seen more or less of the elephant in our Indian 
travels, but always under circumstances to inspire respect — 
petted, decorated with joyous trappings in the suite of a rajah, 
or as a war animal in the British army. It seemed like a 
degradation to see an animal holding so high a place in our 
imagination hauling logs around a lumber yard. The ele- 
phant on the peninsula is a more amiable creature than his 
brother in Africa, and all through the Malay peninsula he 
serves as a beast of burden. In Ceylon and some parts of 
India he has done duty as game, but the Indian government 
has interfered and prevented the killing of the elephant, or even 
capturing him in his wild state except by permission of the 
authorities and for specified useful purposes. The extent to 
which the elephant can be trained is remarkable. His strength 
is enormous, and to this power he adds intelligence. He will 
lift the largest teak logs, and teak is among the heaviest of 
woods, and arrange them in piles. He will push a log with his 
foot against the saw, and carry the sawed wood in his tusks or 
his trunk. In all these maneuvers he is directed by the mahout, 
who sits on his neck and manages him with a goad, or more 
generally by a word. Sometimes an elephant is so wild and 
untamable as to be dangerous, and yet he will serve his mas- 
ters. We saw one animal, who was pushing logs about, who 
had killed four or five of the workmen. He was kept in order 
by a lad who carried a sharp spear keeping the spear always 
near the elephant's eye. The elephant submitted to the moral 
influence of a pointed blade in the hands of a puny boy. 

The spear is really only a moral influence. If the elephant 
really wished to attack the keepers a spear would be of little 
use beyond a stab or two. The memory of these stabs, 
however, was as effective to the elephant as chains or thongs. 



and he rolled his logs about in the most submissive man- 
ner. The manner in which the elephant kills a victim is to 
rush upon and trample him, or to throw him in the air with 
the trunk and trample him when he falls. The animal has im- 


mense power in the trunk, delicacy and precision in touch, as 
well as crushing strength. He will pick up a banana or a wisp 
of grass as surely as a log. The difficulty about using the ele- 
phant as we saw it used is the cost. He is an expensive animal, 
and the cost of supplying him with fruit or bread is large. This 



cost is diminished at such places as Mouhnain or Rangoon by 
allowing- him to roam in the jungle and eat branches and leaves, 
just as we turn the horse loose on the village common. Even 
this, however, is attended with trouble, for the elephant will 
sometimes wander into the jungle and not return. In that case 
the tamer elephants are sent after, who capture and punish the 
recusant brute. There is no efficient way of punishing the 
elephant except by the aid of other elephants. A few days be- 
fore we came to Ransfoon one of the animals demurred to go 
on a boat. Two others were marched up, and, under the direc- 
tions of the mahout, they pounded the resisting animal with 
their trunks until, for his life's sake, he was glad to embark. 
Elephants learn the ways of civilized labor. When the bell 
rings for dinner he will drop his log and march away. If he 
has been trained to rest on Sunday, no power can make him 
work on the seventh day of rest. He must have that day for 
his frolic in the jungle. As a general thing the elephant never 
becomes really dangerous except at periodical times. There 
is a belief that he will not breed in captivity ; but this is not 
borne out by the experiences of those who own elephants in 
Burmah. As labor-saving machinery is introduced, the use of 
the elephant is abandoned, and in a short time I suppose he 
will be given up altogether as a laborer in lumber yards and 

On March 28th we came to Penang. It was necessary for 
us to advance slowly on account of the narrow channels and 
treacherous current. The authorities received General Grant 
with great distinction, regretting they could not fire a salute 
because of the serious illness of a British officer in the fort. 
Mr. Borie did not feel equal to the task of the long drive to 
the Government House On the 29th of March there was a 
reception at the town-hall. Addresses were presented to 
General Grant by the British residents and the Chinese. 

Penang is a British island, embraced in the colony known 
as the Straits Settlements, and is under the rule of the Gover- 
nor of vSingapore. It is on the western end of the Straits of 
Malacca, and in north latitude 5° 25', east longitude 100° 21'. 



It is about fifteen miles long and seven broad, and, with the 
exception of a plain of three miles wide, is a mass of granite. 
Penang was taken by the British in 1 786. At that time the 
island was a forest, and now it is one of the most beautiful and 
prosperous settlements in the peninsula. The natural beauty 
is very great, and there was something that reminded us of 
New England in the frowning granite cliffs over which water 
was dashing. The average temperature is 80°. The house of 


the Governor is on the mountain, two thousand four hundred 
and ten feet above the level of the sea. Here the temperature 
averages 70'^. As it was late when we arrived, and we were 
bidden to leave next day, and the way was difificult, going on 
chairs and ponies up a narrow mountain road, none of the 
party except the General and his son accepted the Governor's 
kind invitation to be his guests. We remained on the " Simla," 
and in the morning, at six, went ashore to drive around and 
breakfast with the Chief Justice. Our drive was to the foot of 
the mountain, through forests of palm. Here we saw the nut- 
meg tree. At one time the nutmeg was one of the most abun- 
dant and profitable crops in Penang ; but a blight came and 



the trees nearly all perished. Now the cocoa-nut has taken its 
place, and, as it is a hardy plant and has abundance of sea air, 
there is no reason why it should not be prosperous. We drove 
to the foot of the mountain, where there was a small inn, and 
a swimming bath of water that came from the mountains. 
High granite cliffs were around us, and there were deep ravines 
torn by nature in some volcanic mood. Not long since one of 
these cliffs suddenly broke away and rolled into the valley. 
We saw the fragments, among which workmen were busy. 
Some Malays climbed the palm-trees and threw down cocoa- 
nuts that we might taste the milk. The Malay climbs the tree 
as expertly as a monkey, and went up and down the slender trunk 
as easily as though it had been a staircase. The milk was 
served in tumblers. It had an insipid, medicinal taste, which 
none of us seemed to relish. Here also grew the sensitive- 
plant in profusion, which withered and turned brown at the 
slightest touch. The point of a pin, or a glove, or a finger 
would shrivel up the largest plant. It was almost sad to see 
the green, modest, smiling plant surrender at the first small 
touch, and become a brown unsightly shrub. In the morning, 
however, it becomes green again, and unmasks its beauty to 
the sun. 

Our day in Penang was pleasant, thanks to the hospitality 
of those who took us into their cheerful, luxurious homes. The 
General came down from the hill at four in the afternoon, and 
after the reception, and a drive about the town, which took 
about two hours, the whole party embarked on the " Simla." 
The population were on the wharf to see us off ; the Governor, 
the authorities, troops in line, and a body of Chinese merchants. 
We had a quiet sail during the night, and the warmth of the sun, 
which made even sleeping on the deck uncomfortable, showed 
that we were coming near the equator. When the morning 
came we were approaching the town of Malacca. This famous 
town lies in north latitude 2° 14', and east longitude 102° 12'. 
The sea was a dead calm, and as the bay is shallow we came 
to anchor about three miles from shore. There was a British 
gun-boat at anchor, the " Kestrel," commanded by Commander 



Edwards of the Royal Navy. The commander came on board 
to pay his respects to the General. One of the ofiicers was 
down with a fever, and among the blessings of our coming was 
some ice, of which we had a remnant. This was sent to the sick 
gentleman, and was so scarce that it was treasured as carefully 
as though it were gold. One of the hardships of travel in the 
tropics is the scant supply of ice. What you have is machine- 

made, and is of so poor a quality that it melts almost as soon 
as it touches the water. After breakfast our party went ashore 
in the boat of the " Kestrel," Commander Edwards acting as 
the General's escort. We climbed the hill, and strolled through 
the ruins of the old Portuguese cathedral and deciphered the 
names on the tombs. Then we drove around the town in close- 
covered carriages. There was nothing especially interesting. 
The inhabitants were Chinese and Malays ; the Chinese having 
quietly assumed the business, and taken the lead of the natives, 
as indeed Chinamen are doing all through the archipelago. 
On our return to the wharf to re-embark we met the Governor,. 


Captain Shaw, who was coming in from his country-seat. He 
did not know the General was coming ; had only just learned 
of his arrival, and had not even had time, he said, to put on his 
uniform. The General thanked the captain, who is a fine 
specimen of a bluff, honest English naval officer. The Gen- 
eral thanked the captain for his kind purposes, but could not 
wait longer in Malacca, being due next day in Singapore. The 
General and Captain Shaw sat under the covered landing on 
the edge of the wharf, and had a half-hour's talk about the town 
and the province. As the sun went down we slowly steamed 
over a calm sea toward Singapore, where we were to learn, as 
we did with sorrow, of the death of Captain Shaw, which took 
place a few days after our departure. 

The fame of Malacca is great as the scene of the military 
triumphs of the illustrious Portuguese warrior and discoverer 
Alphonso Albuquerque. Cameons, in the Lusiad, has an apos- 
trophe to Malacca, the conquest of which was one of the great- 
est achievements of Albuquerque. 

" Nor eastward far though fair Malacca lie, 
Her groves embosomed in the morning sky, 
Though with her amorous sons the valiant line 
Of Java's isle in battle rank combine ; 
Though poisoned shafts their ponderous quivers store, 
Malacca's spicy groves and golden ore, 
Great Albuquerque, thy dauntless toils shall crown." 

Malacca is also renowned as the scene of the religious triumphs 
of that renowned apostle of the Indies, Saint Francis Xavier. 
It was in September, 1545, that Saint Francis landed in the 
sunny little town around which we wandered one warm April 
morning. In those days Malacca was to the world's commerce 
what Singapore aims to be now. Saint Francis had been in 
India, and had tried to convert the Brahmins. But that wily 
race of priests answered his persuasions by saying that it was 
only necessary for the eternal peace of man that he should 
give alms to the Brahmins and never kill a cow. When the 
apostle landed in Malacca he found Christians, Jews, Moham- 
medans, and infidels of every clime, and the Christians who 


had come with Albuquerque, and were no doubt roaring, roys- 
tering blades from Lisbon, and were much worse than the 
heathens. Somehow this is one of the ways in which history 
repeats itself, this superiority of the heathen over the Christian. 
But the saint went to work in an efficient and simple manner. 
Taking a bell in his hand he walked around the streets ringing 
it, and crying out : " Pray for all those who are in a state of 
mortal sin." The people were listless, but the saint was gentle 
and engaging, and devoted himself especially to children, and 
so efficient were his teachings that in a short time coarse words 
were no longer heard in the streets, but the passer-by would 
" see little altars set up at the corners of the streets, and hear 
the sweet sound of the holy hymns which the children sang 
around them." Here also he worked a famous miracle. En- 
tering a house, he found a pale and trembling mother, who 
begged him to bid her child, though dead, to rise again. The 
saint said, "Go, your daughter lives." And although the 
child had been in the grave for three days, on going to the 
graveyard and opening the tomb, she arose as though wak- 
ing out of a sleep, and rushed into her mother's arms ; all 
of which was a powerful argument against the heathen prac- 
tice of cremation. From Malacca Francis wandered into the 
islands of the Malay peninsula. He knew the Malay tongue, 
having been blessed with the gift of tongues, and went through 
the streets, singing, in the Malay language, of the passion, the 
suffering, and the love of the Redeemer. When a battle was 
taking place between the Malays and the Portuguese, the saint, 
who was at the time preaching in the church — the same church 
which is now in ruins, and through which the General and 
party are wandering — prophesied the fate of the heathen. It 
was even so. When news came from the fight it was found 
that the heathen had been beaten and destroyed. From here 
Francis went to Japan, and his success there is among the 
glorious episodes in his history. The gift of tongues served 
him here, and he was enabled, as soon as he saw the king of 
Japan, to preach the gospel in Japanese. While away from 
Malacca, Francis heard of the renewed siege of Malacca. 



From Singapore, where his vessel was in port, he wrote words 
of such comfort and encouragement to the beleaguered brethren 
that on his coming into Malacca the people ran to the water, 
brought him on shore, and showed him all the sorrow that had 


fallen upon their devoted town. After a tour in Cochin China 
the saint returned to Malacca, and while on his way to the city, 
then under a pestilence, he sank under a fever and died. His 
death took place on the little island of Samian, on the 2d of 
December, 1552. The body was brought to Malacca, and 

VOL. II. — 13 


when the box in which were inclosed the remains was opened, 
the face, although covered with lime, was, when exposed, ruddy 
and flesh-colored ; and the body, when punctured, shed blood. 
All the people of the town came out in procession, each carry- 
ing a taper, and when the body was landed they all marched 
up the hill to the church from whose ruined walls we saw the 
calm, shining sea. Here the saint was buried, and many bless- 
ings came to Malacca because of the holy presence. A pre- 
vailing pestilence ceased. There was no longer a famine. 
But the Governor of Malacca was a wicked man, and not hav- 
ing done the saint the honor his virtues merited, the body was 
removed to Goa, where it now rests under a splendid mauso- 
leum. In i860 it was exposed to the gaze of faithful pilgrims, 
and many were the miracles which were then witnessed. Crip- 
ples regained strength, paralysis was cured, inflammatory rheu- 
matism was relieved, the insane regained their reason. All 
these miracles over the hand and seal of Antonio Jose Pereira, 
Vicar-General of Goa. It was a great loss to Malacca, this re- 
moval of the body of the saint. The body sleeps in Goa, in its 
coffins of silver and gold, guarded by the faithful Portuguese. 
The Englishman has taken Malacca. The qhurch in which 
Xavier preached is a ruin. The roof has fallen in. The walls 
are overgrown with parasites. The tombs — some of them, as we 
could read in the inscriptions, of prelates and priests — are over- 
run with weeds. The lizard and the snake now slide under the 
walls that once echoed the holy words of the saint. All that 
remains of the saint is the memory of his eloquence and devo- 
tion. I am afraid it requires a pious nation like Portugal to 
appreciate the memories and the work of such a man as Xavier. 
Under the rule of the Englishman his work has died out, his 
teachings are forgotten, and there is no memento of the deeds 
of a holy saint and great man — one of the greatest of priests — 
but the ruined and abandoned church through which the Gen- 
eral and party strolled for a quarter of an hour. 

Singapore, the capital of the Straits Settlements Colony, is 
one of the prettiest towns in the East. It marks the southern- 
most point of our journey, for when at Singapore you are within 


eighty miles of the equator. The entrance to the town is pic- 
turesque. You have been sailing along the coast of Malacca 
for three or four clays, and during your journey land has been 
in sight — low, shining belts of land, yellow and brown, as though 
baking under the burning sun. When you come to Singapore 
you pass island after island, and high, jutting peaks and promon- 
tories ; and edging through a narrow channel, along which you 
might throw a biscuit, you come into an open bay, and be- 
fore you, on the side of a gently sloping hill, you have Singa- 
pore. We came into the bay in the early morning, before the 
sun was well over the hills, and the captain had been good 
enough to give me warning, that I might be on deck. The 
bay was alive with ships, and most of them were dressed in 
their best bunting in honor of the General. A slight mist 
hung over town and bay, indicating that the rain was coming 
or going. We had hardly cast our anchor before our cofisul. 
Major Struder, came on board, accompanied by his daughter. 
Major Struder is an adopted citizen of the United States, born 
in Switzerland. He served in our war, and was lieutenant 
under General Grant at Shiloh. The reception of the General 
gave him great pleasure, and he told the writer, not without 
emotion, that he little dreamed when he saw General Grant, 
seventeen years ago, on that fearful Sunday afternoon, watching 
the pulse of the throbbing battle, that they would meet again 
in the Malaysian peninsula under the Southern Cross. I told 
the major that as we passed through life nothing seemed more 
surely to happen than our dreams. Mr. C. C. Smith, the Co- 
lonial Secretary, came to represent the Administrator, Colonel 
Anson, accompanied by the Administrator's secretary, Mr. 
Howard. At ten o'clock we landed. All the citizens of the 
town were on the wharf. The General was presented to the 
leading gentlemen, and was especially kind to the Chinese 
consul, Mr. Whampoa, a venerable gentleman, who had been 
very kind to Americans. We drove to the Government House, 
a stately building on a hill. Here the General was received 
by Colonel and Mrs. Anson, and by the Maharajah of Johore, 
a native Malay prince, who rules over the neighboring province 



and who came to welcome General Grant and invite him to his 
capital. The Maharajah was an imposing gentleman, who 
talked a little English and wore an English decoration with a 
striking display of diamonds. 

Our stay in Singapore consisted of dinners and receptions. 
Colonel Anson, the Administrator, made a good record in the 
Crimea as a gallant soldier. He governs Singapore in the ab- 
sence of the Governor, Sir William Robinson, now in England 


on leave. There was some annoyance expressed that the Gen- 
eral had not been received with a guard of honor and a salute, 
and the whole colony were agitated lest we might suppose that 
Singapore had been behind India in the grace and cordiality of 
her hospitality. But it was explained that the guns were ready, 
and the soldiers in condition waiting the summons, and there 
was to have been a noble pageant, when the English mail came 
in with a circular from the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Hicks 
Beach, directing the authorities of the British colonies to re- 



ceive General Grant as a distinguished foreigner, but not with 
ofificial honors. So the guns were unshotted, and the troops 
sent home, and our landing was as peaceful as could be. I 
only allude to this circumstance because every one in Singapore 
talked about it, and seemed to suffer from a sense of sup- 
pressed hospitality. As a matter of fact, when the matter was 
mentioned to the General, it seems that he had not observed 
the absence of the soldiers and the guns, and he expressed his 
pleasure that the troops had not been kept out on the dock 
under a tropical sun. Moreover, as was also remarked by 
others, the General had not come to Singapore to see soldiers 
and guns, but to see the people, and study the progress Eng- 
land was making in the development of Asiatic civilization. 

But if the guns were not fired and the troops were not pa- 
raded, there was nothing lacking in the hospitality of Singapore 
towards General Grant. There were dinners at the Govern- 
ment House and a reception. There was a band which made 
a heroic attempt at various American national airs, succeeding 
only in Yankee Doodle. A medley of negro airs, arranged for 
aVirginia reel, was also played, under the impression that it was 
also a national air. As the American is supposed to be a light, 
giddy person, with tendencies towards barbarism, I can well see 
how Camptown Races, Lucy Long, and Oh ! Susanna might 
be regarded as national anthems. It seems to me that some 
patriotic member of Congress, like Sunset Cox or Carter Har- 
rison, or some other of our spread-eagle statesmen, should look 
into this matter and have an appropriation to furnish consular 
agents with hand-organs adjusted to our national airs, so that 
when Americans worthy of honor visit Asiatic ports they will 
hear their own airs, and be reminded that their banner is span- 
gled and their country is free, and can whip all creation, and 
that tyrants howl and tremble before it. Then Americans would 
not feel, as they stand erect before the dinner-table, as an Eng- 
lishman would feel if, when he drank the health of the Queen, 
the band broke out into Tommy make Room for your Uncle, 
or some other London music-hall medley. But the music was 
well meant and well received. Major Struder gave the Gen- 



era! a luncheon, and made a brief historical speech, recalling 
Shiloh, and there were drives around the country to tapioca 
plantations, and so on. The Chinese consul, Whampoa, gave 
a luncheon. This gentleman lives in a quaint and curious 
house, just outside of Singapore, filled with all manner of curi- 
osities, a house in the Chinese style, where we were entertained 
with splendor. The consul recalled the visit made to him by 
Captain Perry, when on his way to Japan, a quarter of a century 
ago or more, and showed the General a tinned can of green 
corn, hermetically sealed, which the captain had left as a souve- 
nir of his visit, and which the consul keeps as a sacred memento. 
There was also a visit to the Maharajah of Johore. The 
Maharajah lives in Singapore, in a pretty house, where we 
dined, and is waiting the building of his palace in Johore. 
Commander Edwards of the British gun-boat " Kestrel " placed 
his vessel at the disposal of General Grant, and just as the sun 
was up the party embarked for Johore. The trip is only four 
hours by sea, and the Maharajah had gone ahead to meet the 
General. There was no circular from Secretary Beach, and so 
there were guns and troops, the firing of salutes and royal 
honors when, about ten in the morning, General Grant landed 
at Johore. The state of Johore is said to contain ten thousand 
square miles. The town was settled by the Malays when ex- 
pelled from Malacca by the Portuguese under Albuquerque. 
The country is a jungle ; but in later years, under the rule of 
the Maharajah, has made a good deal of progress. The people 
are Malays, and speak the same language. The forest abounds 
in game, and if we had time, or were ambitious of distinction 
as sportsmen, we might have found tigers, elephants, the tapir, 
the hog, the rhinoceros, and the ox. There has been a good 
deal of emigration into Johore from China, and it is said that 
coffee and gamboge could be made profitable crops, and that 
gold and tin could be found. The policy of the present gov- 
ernor seems to be to act in hearty sympathy with the British. 
The Singapore government exercises a tutelage over him. 
There is no difficulty in asserting this claim, as the English 
have proclaimed it as a sort of Monroe doctrine for Asia that 



their duty is to see that neighboring native states give their 
subjects good government. This is the position of absolute 
responsibility and semi-independence occupied by the Mahara- 
jah of Johore. 

Singapore is the center, the heart of the whole Malay archi- 
pelago. It is an island, the most northerly of the numerous 
islands that cluster about the southern shores of Asia. It 
was a forest sixty years ago — a dense jungle. It is distant 
about thirty miles from the southern coast of the continent, 


and separated by a strait which varies from a mile to three fur- 
longs in width. This was known to the old navigators as the 
Singapore Straits, and the passage into the China Sea. The 
island is about two hundred and six square miles, or seventy 
miles larger than the Isle of Wight. The surface is undula- 
tory, the highest point being five hundred and nineteen feet 
above the level of the sea. The formation is granite, with the 
sedimentary ores of slate, sandstone, and iron. There is a 
blue clay, which makes good brick and tiles, and a decomposed 


feldspar of granite useful for porcelain. The climate, although 
almost under the equator, is never very warm. One of the re- 
ports showed an average of about eighty-two degrees all the 
year round, and this average covers the range of from four to 
five degrees. There are frequent rains, but never with the 
violence seen in our own tropics. It rained every day that we 
were in Singapore ; but only on one occasion — the time fixed 
for embarking to Siam — did the shower become a respectable 
summer shower as seen at home. This constant rain takes 
away from the hardness and intensity of the atmosphere, and 
we walked about when necessary with an impunity which would 
never have been dared in India. 

While the vegetation of Singapore is luxuriant, and the un- 
ending summer clothes the island with undying green, the land 
is not useful in growing articles of food. Although in the tro- 
pics, cotton, sugar, indigo, and rice do not flourish. The soil 
is not good, and the only crops which flourish are palms and 
spices, which depend upon heat and moisture more than upon 
soil. Pepper is a valuable crop, and tapioca likewise. But 
both have to be nursed. The pineapple is better than any- 
where else. Ag^riculture runs to shade trees and gardenintr. 
The town is really a commercial emporium, a house of call for 
all the world. The Acheen war in Java has been a source of 
prosperity to Singapore in the way of the purchase of supplies. 
The town is a free port, and the revenues are mainly from 
opium, wine, and spirits. The sale of the opium is controlled 
by the government. The interest in Singapore is purely mod- 
ern and commercial. It is said that a colony of Malays settled 
here in 1160, but there is no evidence of its truth. Colonies 
of Javanese and Malays came and went, but I am afraid the 
burden of evidence goes to show that Singapore was in ancient 
times a haven for pirates. The British came here in 18 18. 
The shrewd eyes of the East India Company fell upon Singa- 
pore as an available site for a port. Lord Hastings was gov- 
ernor of India, and he sent Sir Stamford Rufifles to acquire and 
found the colony. The Malay prince was induced to cede to 
Sir Stamford a section of land ten miles along the shore, and a 



cannon-shot from the beach. This was the first step. In a 
short time the company induced the prince to give up the 
whole island ; and from this beginning has grown the Straits 
Settlements Col- 
ony, one of the 
most promising 
provinces in the 
empire of Great 
Britain. The 
law of British 
domination isthe 
same in Malay 
countries as in 
the H i n d o o 
lands. Begin- 
ning as a trading 
post, the end is 
always the same 
— the possession 
of the country 
nominally or 
really, either 
actual occupa- 
tion and govern- 
ment, or the re- 
cognition of the 
British as a para- 
mount power. 
The Paramount 
Power is the set 
phrase in Asiatic 
politics. The policy of her rulers is that no door should be 
closed to the Englishman, and that once he is admitted he 
should be recognized as a Paramount Power. There seems to 
be no end to such a policy but absorption, and the will that 
governs Singapore to-day will be the master of the Malay 
peninsula in a few years. 



The two races you meet at Singapore are the Chinese and 
the Malays. Of the Chinese I shall have to speak when we 
come within the limits of that vast and teeming empire. We 
have seen the Chinaman ever since we arrived in Rangoon, and 
his influence is the most useful in Asia, in the development of 
industry and commerce. The testimony on this point was un- 
varying. The Malay gives way to the Chinaman, and becomes 
a bearer of burdens. There are three classes of Malays— the 
fishermen, who 1 suppose were pirates in the free days ; the 
savages, who live in the jungle ; and the civilized class, which 
has a literature and a language. The civilized Malays are to 
be found in the islands, in Sumatra and Borneo for instance. 
I met the Maharajah of Johore and some of his court, but 
these were the only representatives of the higher class I met 
in Singapore. The Chinese have many representatives, mer- 
chants of character and fortune, who take their air in the after- 
noon, and grow in prosperity and influence. 

There is no better gauge of the genius of a people than 
their proverbial literature, and I have been interested in the re- 
searches of W. E. Maxwell on the subject of Malay proverbs. 
These researches, and others into kindred subjects, result from 
the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, whose head- 
quarters are in Singapore, and whose studies are among the 
inhabitants of the Malay peninsula. The society issues semi- 
annually a report of its transactions ; and although but two 
numbers have been issued, the field of the society seems to be 
full of interest and value. Societies like these study the re- 
sources of the countries, and in that direct private and public 
enterprise. Their real value is in science, history, religion, 
customs, and more than all in comparative philology. The 
Malay language is terse ; "and the genius of the people," says 
Mr. Maxwell, " runs to neat, pithy sentences." A Malay clinches 
an argument with a proverb. Some of these are very curious, 
not alone as showing a resemblance to proverbs in our own 
and other languages, but as an expression of the peculiar genius 
of the people. " If you have rice, put it away under the un- 
husked grain." This is an injunction to secrecy. " Now it is 



wet, now it is fine," is the Malay way for intimating that a day 
of revenge will come. When a Malay wishes to intimate his 
idea of throwing pearls before swine, he asks, " What is the use 
of the peacock strutting in the jungle?" When he wishes to 
say that an ofYer will not be refused, he asks, " Will the croco- 
dile reject the carcass ?" I suppose every language has a prov- 
erb about the impossibility of changing human nature. The 
Bible asks if the leopard can change his spots ; the Malay 
says : " Though you may feed a jungle-fowl out of a gold plate 
it will make for the jungle nevertheless." Here is a more am- 
bitious expression of a similar idea : " You may plant the bit- 
ter cucumber in a bed of sago, and manure it with honey, and 
water it with molasses, and train it over sugar-canes, but when 
it is cooked it will still be bitter." Fate is recognized as sternly 
as by the Greek : " Even the fish which inhabit the seventh 
depth of the sea come into the net sooner or later." Greed- 
iness is thus expressed : " Of course the boa-constrictor wants 
the fowl." The Malay shows how useless to elevate the worth- 
less by asking, " Can the earth become grain ? " The tendency 
of our poor human nature to sin is thus expressed : " Where 
is the spot on the earth that does not get moistened by rain ?" 
" To grind pepper for a bird on the wing," is the Malay way of 
saying, " First catch your hare before you cook it." "To fight 
in a dream," is to take trouble for nothing. Here is a pro- 
verb that might have been written by La Rochefoucauld : " Do 
good in moderation; do not do evil at all." This means that 
excessive goodness will exasperate others, and excite jealousy 
and envy and martyrdom. " Make the monkey judge," which 
means that the judge will eat all the bananas. " To plant 
sugar-cane on the lips," means that you are all things to all men. 
" The plantain does not bear fruit twice," shows that even the 
Malay knows the misfortune of missing one's chance in the 
world. Here also is a suggestion as to the power of mind over 
animal life, a recognition of the superiority of man : " Does 
not the elephant, whose size is so great, and which inhabits the 
recesses of the forest, fall Into the hands of man at last ? " A 
man of expedients and enterprise is the " Hand chopping wood 



while the shoulder bears a load." There is an ironical force in 
this : " Muddy enough when there is no rain, but now it is rain- 
ing," " Covetousness," we are told, " begets loss of Shame ; ava- 
rice results in destruction." Out of the frying-pan into the 
fire becomes, " Freed from the mouth of the crocodile only to 

fall into the jaws of the 
tiger ; " while the kitchen 
'^ proverb about the kettle 

calling the pot black is 
expressed with more del- 
icacy in Malay : " The 
creel says that the bas- 
ket is coarsely plaited." 
There is a sardonic idea 
in this : " For fear of 
the ghost to clasp the 
corpse." There is a 
homely Saxon sense in 
the following : " Do not 
suppose, my masters, that 
because a sugar-cane is 
crooked its sweet juice 
is equally crooked." The 
American thinks it an ill 
wind that blows no one 
any good. The Malay 
is not so much accustomed to winds, and his thought is that 
"When the junk is wrecked the shark has his fill." Dickens 
would have rejoiced in this : " The last degree of stinginess 
is to leave the mildew undisturbed." There is wisdom in the 
thought that " The yam remains still and increases in bulk, iron 
lies quiet and wastes away the more." 

The Malay seems to be a good-humored, happy-go-lucky 
creature, whom it would not be difficult to convert into a pirate. 
The Malays looked after the boats in the harbor and drove the 
hackney coaches, and their disposition seemed to be to take as 
much time as possible over their employments and sleep in the 




sun. But this should not be regarded as a severe criticism, for 
nobody is in a hurry in the tropics. Society has a languid, 
drowsy air, as though whatever really had to be done should 
be done to-morrow. Then a race which has run into a groove 
of submission, which has learned to be the burden-bearing race, 
which has not only passed under the rule of the Englishman, 
but of the Chinaman, will not abound in the higher virtues. 1 
have been told that there is as much difference in the Malay 
character as in the character of other races. Archdeacon Hose, 
the president of the Singapore Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, alludes to this in a recent address, in which he com- 
pares the Malay of Johore with his brother in Singapore. 
■" One is lively, courteous, and communicative ; the other is dull, 
boorish, and shy. The one is idle and fond of sport, the other 
is plodding and methodical ; the one is very fond of talking 
and little given to reading ; the other has not much to say, even 
to his own people, but keeps his master awake at night by read- 
ing or reciting in a loud monotonous voice long poems or sto- 
ries, or chanting chapters from the Koran, which as a child he 
learned to read, but of which he does not understand a word." 
The Malay is a Mohammedan, but rather a feeble, washed-out 
offshoot of the stern and mighty faith of Islam. The faith of 
Mohammed needs a strong soil and keen air for its develop- 
ment, and not the enervating atmosphere of the equator. Re- 
ligion has always seemed to be a good deal affected by climate, 
and it will never grow where it cannot take hold of the imagin- 
ation. Consequently you are not surprised when you learn 
that the Malay Mohammedan has been sliding away from the 
faith of Mecca ; that his luxurious, imaginative nature breaks 
out into traditions and legends, and an awe of nature. The 
god whom he sees in the jungle, in the volcano, in the capri- 
cious and cruel sea, in the torrent, in the unpitying and un- 
pausing sun, is much more of a deity than the Supreme One 
whose glories are in the Koran. Of the morals and manners 
and customs of the Malay I have heard a good deal that it 
would be hardly useful to print. The race is an inferior one, 
and its fate seems to be to give way to the stronger nations of 



the north, the Tartar and the Englishman. His fate will most 
likely be the same as that of our own Indian ; without the 
fierce and unbending courage which adds dignity to the savage 
character. Whenever another civilization touches that of the 
Malay it absorbs it, and the Malay in a generation or two loses 
his individuality and becomes a parasite of the stronger race. 
They have an insect here called the white ant, one of the most 
destructive animals that can infest a household, the dread of 


the housewife, which comes and fastens on household goods, 
food, furniture, or raiment, and destroys it. The process is a 
slow one, but the end is destruction. The white man may be 
compared to the white ant in his influence upon Malay civili- 
zation. He has come. You cannot drive him away. What- 
ever he may do for the development of the rich and fertile 
lands will be at the expense of the aboriginal inhabitants, and 
many generations will not elapse before they will be as thor- 
oughly eradicated as the Indians who once ruled in Massachu- 
setts and Virginia. 


" Life in the tropics is so new, so fresh, so warm, so full of 
color and animation, that it must be a constant charm." I 
fancy that some of my readers will say this, impatient with 
their gray, cold north, and full of memories of Robinson Cru- 
soe and Swiss Family Robinson. I question if it has any com- 
pensations for what the north gives, and what the south takes 
away. The eye is always satisfied, and you never weary of 
seeking out green groves, and stretches of palm, and the over- 
whelming wealth of nature all around you. I am living, for 
instance, in the house of the colonial secretary at Singapore, 
in the government park, and from my window I have as pretty 
a view as I have seen in Asia. The grounds are in perfect 
order, and the eye of the Englishman is seen in the trim walks, 
and the closely-clipped lawns. Singapore lies beneath you, 
almost hidden in the foliage. We are on a hill, and beyond us, 
on another hill, is a fort, and on the fort a flag-staff, and from 
the staff signal flags are flying. These flags tell you the news 
of the day ; and when you are curious about information, you 
take your telescope, which lies handy, and read the designs on 
the flags, and compare them with a painted diagram on the 
wall, and you know what all the town knows, that a ship has 
gone out carrying your wishes to China, or that a ship is com- 
ing in bringing you news from loved ones at home. If there 
should be a fire, or an outbreak, or a mutiny, or any extraor- 
dinary incident, I would know it by the flags and the guns, and 
I would know the duty it imposed. It seems like a Providence, 
this overhanging fort, with its fresh and everchanging signals, 
and I fancy if one lived here, he would come to have a certain 
feeling akin to devotion, as every morning and every noon 
and every going down of the sun he turned to the tower to 
see what message it had for him. Beyond the range of foliage 
are the spires of modest temples, where Christians worship, 
and beyond the spires are the masts of ships in the harbor, 
and the shining lines of the sea. You cannot grow weary of 
the scene, and when you remember that there are raw spring 
days at home, that blustering March may be teasing you with 
his storms, that you may still have frost and snow, you are 



grateful and wish that these warm breezes might carry sunshine 
and spring to shivering ones at home. 

It is so pleasant in the morning — and in the tropics you rise 
with the sun — to throw open the windows, and look out upon 
the beautiful landscape. You worship the sun. You worship 
him for the joy and life he brings, and you feel that there is 
something to be considered in the devotion of the Parsee, who 
prays to the sun. This is the land of summer. The sun is 


always with you. But while his presence is grateful to voy- 
agers who only a few weeks since were . under the snows of 
northern Ireland, or hurrying over the frost-bound plains of 
France, to those who live here this constant summer becomes 
an oppression. After the second or third summer you yield 
to it, and you feel your life parching out of you. You have no 
communion with summer as at home. You cannot go into the 
fields and splash through the clover, or creep into the bosom 
of mother earth with security and sweet content. Nature is 
against you. The fields are full of serpents and creeping 


things. The only hours you can venture out are in the early 
morning, or after the sun goes down. And even then miasma 
and malarial influences are to be dreaded. A hasty walk in 
the morning, or an hour or two at lawn tennis, are all that you 
can take for exercise, and when the rain comes, and there is 
rain nearly every day, even this is denied you. 

If you live in this land of summer, you must pay a severe 
tribute to the sun. You become torpid and listless. Society 
is narrow. There are no amusements. A colony of Euro- 
peans, like what you see' in Singapore, is a good deal like a 
large boarding-house at a summer resort, or a company of trav- 
elers at sea. You are thrown upon one another. Everybody's 
business is your business. Your life is not your own, but a 
part of other peoples' lives. You are in a state of attrition. 
If you choose to be nervous or petulant, it is at the expense of 
everybody around you. Then you are not living, only sojourn- 
ing. Life is tinctured by gossip, and the smallest things 
become scandals. One part of the settlement is quarreling 
with the other. Nor are your associations those that ennoble 
and develop. Around you are races which in your heart you 
despise and look down upon, with whom you have no sympa- 
thy, whose customs are barbarism, whose religion is heathen- 
ism, who serve you because you have your hand on their throat. 
" Whenever I am with my monkey," said a European to me, 
" I always look him in the eye and hold a rope in my hand. 
If I turned my eye he might tear my arm." This is about the 
attitude of the European towards the Malay or the Chinaman. 
Those races do not respect or love, they only fear you. You 
are usurpers, and you are ruling them and directing their 
energies and their resources not for their good but for your 
gain. This generates indifference towards others, a tendency 
to tyranny in the governing, and the vices of the slave in the 
governed race. Human nature is not strengthened. You are 
in a rush to grow rich and go home. The ties of home asso- 
ciations are loosened, and there is a freedom of living in these 
Asiatic colonies that, among young men especially, produces 
bad results. As this is a subject of which I have seen little, 

VOL. II. — 14 


and know nothing, I will not dwell upon it, except to recall the 
regret with which 1 have heard it alluded to by those familiar 
with colonial life. 

It was while journeying in these Indian waters that we re- 
sumed our conversations. " I had a letter from Mosby," said 
the General, " some time ago, deprecating some attack I had 
made upon Stonewall Jackson. I wrote him there must be 
some mistake, as I had never attacked Jackson." 

General Grant was asked how he ranked Jackson among 
soldiers. " I knew Stonewall Jackson," said the General, " at 
West Point and in Mexico. At West Point he came into the 
school at an older age than the average, and began with a low 
grade. But he had so much courage and energy, worked so 
hard, and governed his life by a discipline so stern that he 
steadily worked his way along and rose far above others who 
had more advantages. Stonewall Jackson, at West Point, 
was in a state of constant improvement. He was a religious 
man then, and some of us regarded him as a fanatic. Some- 
times his religion took strange forms — hypochondria — fancies 
that an evil spirit had taken possession of him. But he never 
relaxed in his studies or his Christian duties. I knew him in 
Mexico. He was always a brave and trustworthy officer, none 
more so in the army. I never knew him or encountered him 
in the rebellion. I question whether his campaigns in Virginia 
justify his reputation as a great commander. He was killed 
too soon, and before his rank allowed him a great command. It 
would have been a test of generalship if Jackson had met 
Sheridan in the Valley, instead of some of the men he did meet. 
From all I know of Jackson, and all I see of his campaigns, I 
have little doubt of the result. If Jackson had attempted on 
Sheridan the tactics he attempted so successfully upon others 
he would not only have been beaten but destroyed. Sudden, 
daring raids, under a fine general like Jackson, might do against 
raw troops and inexperienced commanders, such as we had in 
the beginning of the war, but not against drilled troops and a 
commander like Sheridan. The tactics for which Jackson is 
famous, and which achieved such remarkable results, belonged 


21 I 

entirely lo the beginning of the war and to the peculiar con- 
ditions under which the earlier battles were fought. They 
would have insured destruction to any commander who tried 
them upon Sherman, Thomas, Sheridan, Meade, or, in fact. 


any of our great generals. Consequently Jackson's fame as a 
general depends upon achievements gained before his general- 
ship was tested, before he had a chance of matching himself 
with a really great commander. No doubt so able and patient 
a man as Jackson, who worked so hard at anything he attempted, 



would have adapted himself to new conditions and risen with 
them. He died before his opportunity. I always respected 
Jackson personally, and esteemed his sincere and manly char- 
acter. He impressed me always as a man of the Cromwell 
stamp, a Puritan — much more of the New Englander than the 
Virginian. If any man believed in the rebellion he did. And 
his nature was such that whatever he believed in became a 
deep religious duty, a duty he would discharge at any cost. It 
is a mistake to suppose that I ever had any feeling for Stone- 
wall Jackson but respect. Personally we were always good 
friends ; his character had rare points of merit, and although 
he made the mistake of fighting against his country, if ever a 
man did so conscientiously he was the man." 

An allusion was made by one of our party to Albert 
Sidney Johnson, and the General said : " I knew Albert Sid- 
ney Johnson before the war. When he was sent to Utah I 
had a high opinion of his talents. When the war broke out 
he was regarded as the coming man of the Confederacy. I 
shared that opinion, because 1 knew and esteemed him, and 
because I felt, as we all did, in the old army, where there was 
a public opinion among the officers as to who would come out 
ahead. In many cases, in most cases, our public opinion was 
in error. Bragg had a great reputation in the South. Bragg 
was the most contentious of men, and there was a story in 
Mexico that he put every one in arrest under him, and then 
put himself in arrest. Albert Sidney Johnson might have 
risen in fame, and we all had confidence in his doing so ; but he 
died too soon — as Stonewall Jackson died too soon — for us 
to say what he would have done under the later and altered 
conditions of the war. The Southern army had many good 
generals. Lee, of course, was a good soldier, and so was 
Longstreet. I knew Longstreet in Mexico. He was a fine 
fellow, and one of the best of the young officers. I do not 
know that there was any better than Joe Johnston. I have 
had nearly all of the Southern generals in high command in 
front of me, and Joe Johnston gave me more anxiety than any 
of the others. I was never half so anxious about Lee. By the 



way, I saw in Joe Johnston's book that when I was asking 
Pemberton to surrender Vicksburg, he was on his way to raise 
the siege. I was very sorry. If I had known Johnston was 
coming, I would have told Pemberton to wait in Vicksburg 
until I wanted him, awaited Johnston's advance, and given him 
battle. He could never have beaten that Vicksburg army, and 
thus I would have destroyed two armies perhaps. Pemberton's 
was already gone, and I was quite sure of Johnston's. I was 

A.N OKCllbhrkA. 

sorry I did not know Johnston was coming until it was too late. 
Take it all in all, the South, in my opinion, had no better sol- 
dier than Joe Johnston — none at least that gave me more 

No features of General Grant's conversation possessed more 
interest than his remembrances of the war. A story was found 
in an American journal in reference to the General having in 
the beginning of his career made an unsuccessful attempt to 
gain a position on the staff of General McClellan, then holding 



a high command in the West with head-quarters at Cincinnati. 
" The real story," said General Grant, is this : " The war, when 
it broke out, found me retired from the army and engaged in 
my father's business in Galena, Illinois. A company of volun- 
teers were formed under the first call of the President. I had 
no position in the company, but having had military experience 
I agreed to go with the company to Springfield, the capital of 
the State, and assist it in drill. When 1 reached Springfield 
I was assigned to duty in the adjutant's department, and did a 
good share of the detail work. I had had experience in Mexico. 
As soon as the work of mustering in was over, I asked Gov- 
ernor Yates for a week's leave of absence to visit my parents 
in Covington. The o-overnor gave me the leave. While I 
wanted to pay a visit home, I was also anxious to see McClel- 
lan. McClellan was then in Cincinnati in command. He had 
been appointed major-general in the regular army. I was de- 
lighted with the appointment. I knew McClellan, and had 
great confidence in him. I have, for that matter, never lost 
my respect for McClellan's character, nor my confidence in his 
loyalty and ability. I saw in him the man who was to pilot us 
through, and I wanted to be on his staff. I thought that if he 
would make me a major, or a lieutenant-colonel, I could be of 
use, and I wanted to be with him. So when I came to Cincin- 
nati I went to the head-quarters. Several of the staff officers 
were friends I had known in the army. I asked one of them 
if the general was in. I was told he had just gone out, and was 
asked to take a seat. Everybody was so busy that they could 
not say a word. I waited a couple of hours. I never saw such 
a busy crowd — so many men at an army head-quarters with 
quills behind their ears. But I supposed it was all right, and 
was much encouraged by their industry. It was a great com- 
fort to see the men so busy with the quills. Finally, after a 
long wait, I told an officer that I would come in again next day, 
and requested him to tell McClellan that I had called. Next 
day I came in. The same story. The general had just gone 
out, might be in at any moment. Would I wait ? I sat and 
waited for two hours, watching the officers with their quills, and 



left. This is the whole story. McClellan never acknowledged 
my call, and, of course, after he knew I had been at his head- 
quarters I was bound to await his acknowledgment. I was 
older, had ranked him in the army, and could not hang around 
his head-quarters watching the men with the quills behind their 
ears. I went over to make a visit to an old army friend, Rey- 
nolds, and while there learned that Governor Yates, of Illi- 
nois, had made me a colonel of volunteers. Still I should like 
to have joined McClellan." 

" This pomp and ceremony," said the General, " was com- 


mon at the beginning of the war. McClellan had three times 
as many men with quills behind their ears as I had ever found 
necessary at the head-quarters of a much larger command. Fre- 
mont had as much state as a sovereign, and was as difficult to 
approach. His head-quarters alone required as much trans- 
portation as a division of troops. I was under his command a 
part of the time, and remember how imposing was his manner 
of doing business. He sat in a room in full uniform, with his 
maps before him. When you went in, he would point out one 
line or another in a mysterious manner, never asking you to 
take a seat. You left without the least idea of what he meant 
or what he wanted you to do. Halleck had the same fondness 


for mystery, but he was in addition a very able military man. 
Halleck had intellect, and great acquirements outside of his 
military education. He was at the head of the California bar 
when the war broke out, and his appointment to the major- 
generalcy was a gratification to all who knew the old army. 
When I was made Lieutenant-General, General Halleck be- 
came chief of staff to the army. He was very useful, and was 
loyal and industrious, sincerely anxious for the success of the 
country, and without any feeling of soreness at being super- 
seded. In this respect Halleck was a contrast to other officers 
of equal ability, who felt that unless they had the commands 
they craved they were not needed. Halleck's immense knowl- 
edge of military science was of great use in the War Office to 
those of us in the field. His fault — and this prevented his 
being a successful commander in the field — was timidity in 
taking responsibilities. I do not mean timid personally, be- 
cause no one ever doubted his courage, but timid in reaching 
conclusions. He would never take a chance in a battle. A gen- 
eral who will never take a chance in a battle will never fight one. 
When I was in the field, I had on two or three occasions to 
come to Washington to see that Halleck carried out my orders. 
I found that there was some panic about the rebels coming 
between our army and the capitol, and Halleck had changed 
or amended my orders to avoid some such danger. I would 
say, ' I don't care anything about that. I do not care if the 
rebels do get between my troops and Washington, so that they 
get into a place where I can find them.' " 

A question was asked as to how the General ranked McClel- 
lan. In answer he said : " McClellan is to me one of the mys- 
teries of the war. As a young man he was always a mystery. 
He had the way of inspiring you with the idea of immense 
capacity, if he would only have a chance. Then he is a man 
of unusual accomplishments, a student, and a well-read man. I 
have never studied his campaigns enough to make up my mind 
as to his military skill, but all my Impressions are in his favor. 
I have entire confidence in McClellan's loyalty and patriotism. 
But the test which was applied to him would be terrible to any 

iWCLEI.LAN. 2 1 7 

man, being made a major-general at the beginning of the war. 
It has always seemed to me that the critics of McClellan do 
not consider this vast and cruel responsibility — the war, a new 
thing to all of us, the army new, everything to do from the 
outset, with a restless people and Congress. McClellan was a 
young man when this devolved upon him, and if he did not 
succeed, it was because the conditions of success were so try- 
ing. If McClellan had gone into the war as Sherman, Thomas, 
or Meade, had fought his way along and up, I have no reason 
to suppose that he would not have won as high a distinction 
as any of us. McClellan's main blunder was in allowing him- 
self political sympathies, and in permitting himself to become 
the critic of the President, and in time his rival. This is shown 
in his letter to Mr. Lincoln on his return to Harrison's Land- 
ing, when he sat down and wrote out a policy for the govern- 
ment. He was forced into this by his associations, and that 
led to his nomination for the Presidency. I remember how 
disappointed I was about this letter, and also in his failure to 
destroy Lee at Antietam. His friends say that he failed be- 
cause of the interference from Washington. I am afraid the 
interference from Washington was not from Mr. Lincoln so 
much as from the enemies of the administration, who believed 
they could carry their point through the army of the Potomac. 
My own experience with Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton, both in 
the western and eastern armies, was the reverse. I was never 
interfered with. I had the fullest support of the Presiden't and 
Secretary of War. No general could want better backing, for 
the President was a man of great wisdom and moderation, the 
Secretary a man of enormous character and will. Very often 
when Lincoln would want to say Yes, his Secretary would 
make him say No ; and more frequently when the Secretary 
was driving on in a violent course, the President would check 
him. United, Lincoln and Stanton made about as perfect a 
combination as I believe could, by any possibility, govern a 
great nation in time of war." 



HE principal topic of discussion during our leisure 
hours at Singapore was whether or not we should 
visit Siam. It was out of the regular route to China, 
and the means of communication with Singapore 
were irregular, and none of us. I am afraid, took any special 
interest in Siam, our ostensible knowledge of the country 
being confined to school-day recollections of the once famous 
Siamese twins. Moreover — and this fact I cannot as a con- 
scientious historian suppress — there was a feeling of homesick- 
ness among some of the members of the party which found 
relief in studying the map and drawing the shortest lines be- 
tween Singapore and San Francisco and Philadelphia. Any 
suggestion of a departure from these lines was received with 
gloom. At the same time, the burden of advice we met in 
Singapore was that a journey around the world would be in- 



complete unless it included Siam. Finally the American Con- 
sul at Singapore, Major Struder, who had met General Grant 
on his landing, came with a letter from the King of Siam, en- 
closed in an envelope of blue satin, inviting him to his capital. 
The text of this letter was as follows : 

"The Grand Palace, Bangkok, 4th Feb., 1879. 

" My dear Sir : Having heard from my Minister for Foreign Affairs, on 
the authority of the United States Consul, that you are expected in Singapore 
on your way to Bangkok, I beg to express the pleasure I shall have in making 
your acquaintance. Possibly you may arrive in Bangkok during my absence 
at my country residence, Bang Pa In, in which case a steamer will be placed 
at your disposal to bring you to me. On arrival I beg you to communicate 
with His Excellency my Minister of Foreign Affairs, who will arrange for 
your reception and entertainment. Very truly yours, 

To General Grant, late President of the United States." 

This letter — which the King had taken the trouble to send to 
Singapore, reinforced by an opinion expressed by the General, 
that when people really go around the world they might as 
well see what can be seen — decided the visit to Siam. Further- 
more, a dispatch had been received from Captain Benham, 
commanding the " Richmond," that he would be at Galle on the 
1 2th of April, and he estimated that he would be able to reach 
Singapore about the time we would return from Siam. This 
was a consideration, especially to the homesick members of 
our party, who felt that even in the tropics there would be 
compensation in meeting Americans, in being once more among 
fellow-citizens with whom you could talk intelligently on sensi- 
ble subjects — Philadelphia butter, the depravity of the Demo- 
cratic party, terrapin, green corn, saddle-rock oysters, and 
other themes to which the mind of the home-sick American 
always reverts in his lonely, moaning hours in far foreign lands. 
A heavy tropical rain ! How it rained, and rained, and 
rained, and swept over Singapore as we embarked on the small 
steamer "Kong-See" about nine in the morning of the 9th of 
April. Our friends — Colonel Anson, the Governor; Mr. Smith, 
the Colonial Secretary ; Major Struder, the American Consul 

220 SI AM. 

(who had been with the General at Shiloh) — accompanied us to 
the vessel, where they took leave, and at once we went to sea. 
The rain remained with the Singapore hills as we parted from 
them, and a smooth sea was at our bidding. The run to 
Bangkok is set down at four days, and sometimes there are 
severe storms in the Gulf of Siam ; but fortune was with us in 
this, as it has, indeed, been with us, so far as weather at sea 
is concerned, ever since we left Marseilles. We sat on the 
deck at night and looked at the Southern Cross, which is a 
disappointment as a constellation, and not to be compared, as 
some of our Philadelphia friends remarked, with our old-fash- 


ioned home constellations, which shine down upon you and 
abash you with their glory, and do not have to be picked out 
after a careful search and made into a cross by a vivid imagin- 
ation. The evening of our sailing, some one happened to re- 
member, was the anniversary of the surrender of Lee — fourteen 
years ago to-day — and the hero of the surrender was sitting 
on the deck of a small steamer, smoking and looking at the 
clouds, and gravely arguing Mr. Borie out of a purpose which 
some one has wickedly charged him with entertaining — the 
purpose of visiting Australia and New Zealand and New Guinea, 
and spending the summer and winter in the Pacific Ocean. 

The weather in the Gulf of Siam, which I have just been 
praising, is capricious. The days, as a general thing, were 


pleasant, but squalls and storms came up without warning, and 
sent movable commodities, books, and newspapers flying about 
the deck. In these equatorial regions one of the comforts of 
existence is to sleep on deck, and shortly after the sun goes 
down your servant pitches your bed in some corner of the 
deck, near the wheel or against a coil of rope. Mr. Borie was 
induced to buy an extraordinary machine, made in the Rangoon 
jail, called a portable bed, which is unlike anything civilization 
has ever known in the shape of a bed. It comes together and 
unfolds, and is so intricate that it must have been made by a 
Chinaman. I do not think any of us really understand the prin- 
ciples upon which it is constructed. But in the evening Peter 
and Kassim and other servants parade the bed on deck and 
chatter over it a little while, and it becomes sleepable. The rest 
of the party take the floor. The General and Mrs. Grant 
bivouac on the right of the wheel ; the Colonel has his en- 
campment near the gangway ; the Doctor lies cosily under 
the binnacle, and my own quarters are in the stern, where the 
ropes are coiled. But sleeping on deck in the Gulf of Siam is 
not as pleasant as we found it in the Bay of Bengal. On our 
first night out, being after midnight, Kassim came with the 
news that it was going to rain ! Kassim has a terror of the sea 
— the Hindoo fear of the black water — and ever since he has 
been on board ship his bearing is that of one who lives in fear 
of some overwhelming and immediate peril. So when Kassim 
woke me up with news of the rain, I was not quite sure from 
his manner whether we were not running into a cyclone or one 
of those tremendous gales that so often sweep around the coasts 
of Asia. The clouds looked black and the stars had eone, and 
a few drops of rain came over the face, and the sea was in a 
light, easy, waltzing humor. Some of the party had already 
left the deck. The Doctor had fled on the first rumor, and 
Mrs. Grant was in refuge in the cabin. The captain was lean- 
ing over the traffrail looking at the skies. We took his counsel, 
and his assurance was that it was only the wind and there 
would be no rain. So we resumed our quarters, and Mr. Borie, 
who was already in retreat, with Peter in the rear, in command 



of his wonderful bed, returned. For what could be more erate- 
ful than the winds, the cooling winds, that sweep through the 
rigging and toss your hair, and make you draw the folds of 
your shawl around you ? And there was a disposition to scoff at 

those who at the note of alarm 
from a frightened Hindoo had 
left the comfortable deck to 
sweat and toss in a stifling cabin. 
But in an instant, so treacherou:; 
are these southern skies, the 
rain came in torrents, sweeping 
over the deck, streaming and 
pouring — a fierce, incessant 
rain, with lightning. So our 
retreat became a rout, Mr. 
Borie abandoning his bed in 
great disorder; the rest of us 
leaving blankets, shawls, and 
cushions to the mercy of the 
tempest, and reaching the cabin 
in a drenched condition. This 
experience, or variations of it, 
came every evening of our trip, 
and the nights, which began 
with fresh and cooling airs, 
ended in rain ; all of which 
tended to confirm some of the 
homesick members of the ex- 
pedition that the nearest way to California was the most pleas- 
ant, and that Providence did not smile on our trip to Siam. 

On the morning of the 14th of April land was before us, 
and there was a calm, smooth sea. At ten we came to the bar, 
where we were to expect a steamer — or a tug. We all doffed 
our ship garments and came out in ceremonious attire to meet 
our friends the Siamese. But there was no crossing the bar, 
and for hours and hours we waited and no steamer came. It 
seems that we had made so rapid a trip that no one was expect- 



ino- us, and there we were in the mud, on a bar, within an hour 
of Paknam. The day passed and the night came, and at ten 
the tide would be high and we would slip over the mud and 
be at our anchorage at eleven, and up to Bangkok in the cool 
of the morning, always so precious an advantage in Eastern 
travel. At nine we began to move, under the guidance of a 
pilot, and after moving about for an hour or so, to the disap- 
pointment of those of us on deck, who watched the lights on 
shore and were impatient for Paknam, we heard the engines 
reverse, we felt the ship turn back with thrilling speed, and in 
a few minutes heard the orumblincr of the cable as the anchor 

o o 

leaped into the water. There was no Paknam, no Siam, for 
that night. The pilot had lost his way, and instead of a chan- 
nel we were rapidly going on the shore, when the captain dis- 
covered the error and stopped his ship. Well, this was a dis- 
appointment, and largely confirmatory of the views shared by 
some of us that Providence never would smile on our trip to 
Siam ; but the rain came, and the sea became angry and chop- 
ping, and rain and sea came into the berths, and all we could 
do was to cluster into the small cabin. We found then that our 
foolish pilot had taken us away out of our course, that we were 
on a mud bank, that it was a mercy we had not gone ashore, 
and that unless the royal yacht came for us, there we would 
remain another day. 

About nine in the morning the news was passed by the 
lookout at the mast-head that the royal yacht was coming. 
About ten o'clock she anchored within a cable's length — a long, 
stately craft, with the American colors at the fore, and the 
royal standard of Siam at the main. A boat came to us with 
our Consul, Mr. Sickels, an aide of the King, representing his 
Majesty, and the son of the Foreign Minister, who spoke Eng- 
lish. The King's aide handed General Grant an autograph 
letter of welcome from the King, enclosed in an envelope of 
yellow satin, the te.xt of his Majesty's letter being as follows : 

"The Grand Palace, Bangkok, April nth, 1879. 
" Sir : I have very great pleasure in welcoming you to Siam. It is, I am 
informed, your pleasure that your reception should be a private one , but you 

2 24 S/AM. 

must permit me to show, as far as I can, the high esteem in which I hold the 
most eminent citizen of that great nation which has been so friendly to Siam, 
and so kind and just in all its intercourse with the nations of the far East. 

" That you may be near me during your stay I have commanded my brother, 
his Royal Highness the Celestial Prince Blianurangsi Swanguongse, to pre- 
pare rooms for you and your party in the Suranrom Palace, close to my palace, 
and I most cordially invite you, Mrs. Grant, and your party at once to take up 
your residence there, and my brother will represent me as your host. 
" Your friend, 

His Excellency General Grant, late President of the United States." 

We went on board the royal yacht in a fierce sea and under 
a piercing rain. There was almost an accident as the ^oat 
containing the General, Mrs. Grant, and Mr. Borie came along- 
side. The high sea dashed the boat against the paddle- 
wheel of the yacht, which was in motion. The movement 
of the paddle pressed the boat under the water, the efforts 
of the boatmen to extricate it were unavailing, and it seemed 
for a few minutes as if it would founder. But it righted, and 
the members were taken on deck drenched with the sea and 
rain. This verging upon an accident had enough of the spirit 
of adventure about it to make it a theme of the day's conver- 
sation, and we complimented Mrs. Grant upon her calmness 
and fortitude at a time when it seemed inevitable that she 
would be plunged into the sea under the moving paddle of a 
steamer. Even the rain was tolerable after so serious an ex- 
perience, and it rained all the way up the river. Paknam was 
the first point at which we stopped, and then only long enough 
to send a dispatch to the King that the General had arrived 
and was now on his way to Bangkok. Paknam is a collection 
of small huts or bamboo houses built on logs. The river on 
which it is built is called the Menam, and it rises so high, 
especially in the rainy season when the floods come, that houses 
become islands, and there is no way of moving except in boats. 
Opposite the town is a small island containing a pagoda in 
which is buried the ashes of some of the ancient kings of Siam. 
The rain obscured our view of the river as we slowly steamed 
up, the distance from Bangkok to the mouth being about eight 



leagues from the sea. The banks were low, the vegetation 
dense and green, and running down into the water. The land 
seemed to overhang the water, and the foliage to droop and trail 
in it, very much as in the bayous of Louisiana. 

We came to Bangkok late in the afternoon. The rain lulled 
enough to allow us to see at its best this curious city. Our 


first view was of the houses of the consuls. The Siamese gov- 
ernment provides houses for the foreign consuls, and they all 
front on the river, with large and pleasant grounds about them, 
and flagstaffs from which flags are floating. We stopped in 
front of the American Consulate long enough to allow Miss 
Struder, who had been a fellow-passenger from Singapore, to 
go on shore, and the Vice-Consul, Mr. Torrey, to come on board 
VOL. n. — 15 

2 26 SIAM. 

and pay his respects to the General. Then we kept on for two 
or three miles, until we came to our landing in front of the Inter- 
national Court- House. Bangkok seems to be a city composed of 
houses lining two banks of a river. It contains, according to some 
authorities, half a million of people, but census statistics in the 
East are not to be depended upon. It would not have surprised 
me if I had been told that there were a million of souls housed 
on that long, shambling bank of huts and houses through 
which we kept steaming and steaming until it seemed as if the 
town would never end. All varieties of huts lined the shore. 
Small vessels, like the Venetian gondola, moved up and down, 
propelled by boatmen, who paddled with small paddles, accom- 
panying their work with a short, gasping shout — " Wah, wah, 
wah." Close to the water's edge were floating house.s — houses 
built on rafts — meant to rise and fall with the tide, and which 
the owner could unship and take away if his neighbors became 
disagreeable. Most of the floating houses were occupied by 
Chinese merchants, who had their vases, crockery, cloths, pot- 
tery, bamboo chairs, and fruits arrayed, while they sat squatted 
on the floor smoking small pipes, with no garments but loosely 
fitting trousers, smoking opium, I suppose, and looking out for 
customers. Each has an inscription, on tinted paper, 
generally scarlet printed with gold — a legend, or a proverb, or 
a compliment. Chinese junks are at anchor, and, as you look 
at the huge, misshapen craft, you have a renewed sense of the 
providence of God that such machines can go and come on the 
sea. The prow of each vessel has two large, glaring, grotesque 
eyes — it being a legend of the Chinese mariner that eyes are 
as necessary to a ship as a man. Boats are paddled slowly 
along, in which are persons clothed in yellow, with closely 
shaven crowns. These are priests of the Buddhist faith, who 
wear yellow as a sacred color, and who are now on their way 
to some temple, or more likely to beg. Above these dense 
lines of huts and floating houses you see the towers of the city, 
notably the Great Pagoda, one of the M^onders of the East, a 
mass of mosaic, marble, and precious stones, from which the 
three-headed elephant sacred to Siam and the transmigration 



of the Lord Buddha looks down upon the city, keeping watch 
and ward over the faithful. 

You are told that Bangkok is the Venice of the East, which 
means that it is a city of canals. When the tides are high you 
go in all directions in boats. Your Broadway is a canal. You 
go shopping in a 

boat. You stroll - - -^_^ "^^^^^ -^. 

in your covered 
gondola, lying 
prone on your 
back, sheltered 
from the sun, 
dozing the fierce, 
warm hours 
away, while your 
boatmen and 
other boatmen, 
passing and re- 
passing, shout 
their plaintive 
"Wah, wah." 
You see the 
house of the 
Foreign Minis- 
ter, a palace with 
a terrace, a ve- 
randa, and a cov- 
ered way slop- 
ing toward the 
river. You see 
a mass of towers and roofs surrounded by a wall. This is 
the palace of the first King, the supreme King of Siam. Be- 
yond is another mass of towers and roofs, where resides the 
second King. Happy Siam has two sovereigns — a first king 
who does everything, whose power is absolute, and a second 
king who does nothing except draw a large income. This sec- 
ond King, oddly enough, is named George Washington, having 


228 SI AM. 

been so named by his father, who admired Americans. Finally 
we come to the royal landing, and we note that the banks are 
lined with soldiers. We learn from our consul that his Majesty 
has taken the deepest interest in the coming of General Grant. 
It is customary, in Siam to entertain all distinguished visitors in 
a building known as the Ambassador's Palace, a fine building 
near the European quarter. It was here the King entertained 
Sir William Robinson, the Governor of the Straits Settlements, 
when he came last November to confer upon the King the Eng- 
lish order of the Grand Cross of St. Michael and St. George. 
The reception was famous for the hospitality shown to the 
British envoy. But the King, wishing to do General Grant 
greater honor, gave our party a palace, and assigned his brother, 
one of the Celestial Princes, with a retinue of other princes and 
noblemen, as our hosts. 

At four o'clock the General embarked on a royal gondola, 
which in the programme was said to be seven fathoms long. 
He was slowly pulled ashore. The guard presented arms, the 
cavalry escort wheeled into line, the band played "Hail Co- 
lumbia." On ascending the stairs Mr. Alabaster, the royal in- 
terpreter; Captain Bush, an English officer commanding the 
Siamese Navy, and a brilliant retinue were in waiting. The 
Foreign Minister advanced and welcomed the General to Siam 
and presented him to the other members of the suite. Then, 
entering carriages, the General and party were driven to the 
Palace of Suranrom, the home of his Royal Highness the 
Celestial Prince. As we drove past the barracks the artillery 
were drawn up in battery and the cannon rolled out a salute of 
twenty-one guns. On reaching the palace a guard was drawn 
up, and another band played the American national air. At 
the gate of the palace the Foreign Minister met the General 
and escorted him to the door of the palace. Here he was met 
by the king's private secretary, a nobleman of rank correspond- 
ing to that of an English earl. At the head of the marble 
steps was his Royal Highness the Celestial Prince, wearing the 
decorations of the Siamese orders of nobility, surrounded by 
other princes of a lesser rank and the members of his house- 



hold. Advancing, the Prince shook hands with the General, 
and, offering his arm to Mrs. Grant, led the party to the grand 


audience chamber. Here all the party were presented to the 
Prince, and there was a short conversation. The Celestial Prince 

o -;o SI AM. 

is a young man, about twenty, with a clear, expressive face, 
who speaks EngHsh fairly well, but during our interview, spoke 
Siamese, through Mr. Alabaster, who acted as interpreter. The 
Prince lamented the weather, which was untimely and severe. 
However, it would be a blessing to the country and the people, 
and his Royal Highness added a compliment that was Oriental 
in its delicacy when he said that the blessing of the rain was a 
blessins: which General Grant had brousrht with him to Siam. 
The Prince then said that this palace was the General's home, 
and he had been commanded by the King, his brother, to say 
that anything in the kingdom that would contribute to the hap- 
piness, comfort, or the honor of General Grant was at his dis- 
posal. The Prince entered into conversation with Mrs. Grant 
and the members of the General's party. The General ex- 
pressed himself delighted with the cordiality of his welcome, 
and said he had been anxious to see Siam and he would have 
regretted his inability to do so. The Prince offered his arm to 
Mrs. Grant and escorted her and the General to their apart- 
ments, while the members of his suite assigned the remainder 
of the party to the quarters we were to occupy while we lived 
in the capital of Siam. 

The evening of our arrival was passed quietly at the palace, 
the General and party dining with the Celestial Prince. The 
programme that had been arranged for our entertainment was 
discussed, and as we only had five days for Bangkok, one or 
two dinners were omitted, and visits to the temples and white 
elephants were massed into one day. The rain — the severe and 
incessant rain — streamed into the courtyard of the palace, and 
beat in at the windows, giving our apartments a humid, mil- 
dewed sensation. The morning after our arrival we received a 
visit from the ex-Regent of Siam. This venerable nobleman 
is a foremost man in the realm in influence and authority. He 
was the friend and the counselor of the late King, and gov- 
erned the kingdom during the minority of the present sovereign. 
It was through his influence that the accession of his Majesty 
was secured without question or mutiny. He is now the chief 
of the Council of State, and governs several provinces ot Siam, 



with the power of life and death. His will in council is potent, 
partly because of his rank and experience, partly because of his 
old ao;e, which is always respected in Siam. Our journey to 
the Regent's was in boats, in Venetian fashion, and after a half 
hour's pulling down one canal and up another, and across the 
river to a third canal, 
and up that to a fourth, 
we came to a large and 
roomy palace shaded 
with trees. I observed 
as we passed that there 
were few boatmen in 
the river — none of that 
business life and anima- 
tion which we had ob- 
served on landinof- I 
was told that orders had 
been given by the King 
that the canals and river 
should be kept free from 
trading craft and other 
vessels at the hours set down in the programme for the official 
visits. As a consequence whenever we took to our boats we 
pulled along at a rapid pace with no chance of collision. At 
the same time the river life was so bright and new and varied 
that we should almost have preferred it, at the risk of a collision, 
to the silence which reigned over evervthinsj whenever we went 
forth on the water. 

As our boat pulled up to the foot of the palace the ex- 
Regent, his breast bearing many orders, was waiting to receive 
the General. He was accompanied by Mr. Chandler, an 
American gentleman who has spent many years in Siam, and 
knows the language perfectly. The ex-Regent is a small, spare 
man, with a clean cut, well-shaped head, and a face reminding 
you, in its outlines and the general set of the countenance, of 
the late M. Thiers. It lacked the vivacity which was the char- 
acteristic of M. Thiers, and was a grave and serious face. His 




Highness advanced, shook hands with the General, and, taking 
his hand, led him up stairs to the audience-room of the palace. 
A guard of honor presented arms, the band played the " Star- 
Spangled Banner," which was the first time we had heard that 
air in the Flast, all the other bands we had encountered labor- 
ing under the delusion that our national air was " Hail Colum- 
bia." As the General does not know the one tune from the 
other, it never made much difference as far as he was concerned, 
and I attributed the better knowledge on the subject in Siam to 
the prevalence of American ideas, which, thanks to our mis- 
sionary friends, and in spite of some wretched consuls who 
have disgraced our service and dishonored the national fame, 
is more marked than we had supposed. The Regent led us 
into his audience-hall, and placing General Grant on his right 
we all ranged ourselves about him on chairs. An audience 
with an Eastern prince is a serious and a solemn matter. It 
reminded me somewhat of the Friends' meetings I used to at- 
tend in Philadelphia years and jears ago, when the brethren 
were in meditation and waiting for the influence of the Holy 
Spirit. The Siamese is a grave person. He shows you honor 
by speaking slowly, saying little, and making pauses between 
his speeches. He eschews rapid and flippant speech, and a 
gay, easy talker would give offense. I need not say that this 
custom placed the General in an advantageous position. After 
you take your seat servants begin to float around. They bring 
you tea in small china cups — tea of a delicate and pure flavor, 
and unlike our own attempts in that direction. They bring 
you cigars, and in the tobacco way we noted a cigarette with 
a leaf made out of the banana plant, which felt like velvet 
between the lips, and is an improvement which even the ripe 
culture of America on the tobacco question could with advan- 
tage accept. In Siam you can smoke in everyplace and before 
every presence except in the presence of the King — another 
custom which, I need hardly add, gave the General an advan- 
tage. The Regent, after some meditation, spoke of the great 
pleasure it had given him to meet General Grant in Siam. 
He had long known and valued the friendship of the United 


States, and he was sensible of the good that had been done 
to Siam by the counsel and the enterprise of the Americans 
who had lived there. The General thanked the Regent, 
and was glad to know that his country was so much esteemed 
in the East. There was a pause, and a cup of the enticing 
tea, and an observation on the weather. The General ex- 
pressed a desire to know whether the unusual rain would affect 
the crops throughout the country. The Regent said there 
was no such apprehension, and there was another pause, while 
the velvet-coated cigarettes passed into general circulation. 
The General spoke of the value to Siam, and to all coun- 
tries in the East, of the widest commercial intercourse with 
nations of the entire world, and that from all he could learn of 
the Siamese and the character of their resources any extension 
of relations with other nations would be a gain to them. His 
Highness listened to this speech, as Mr. Chandler translated it 
in a slow, deliberate way, standing in front of the Regent, and 
intoning it almost as thou^rh it were a lesson from the Morn- 
ing Service. Then there was another pause, and some of us 
found further comfort in the tea. Then the Regent responded : 
" Siam," he said, " was a peculiar country. It was away from 
sympathy and communion with the greater nations. It was 
not in one of the great highways of commerce. Its people 
were not warlike nor agcrressive. It had no desire to share in 
the strifes and wars of other nations. It existed by the friend- 
ship of the Great Powers. His policy had always been to cul- 
tivate that friendship, to do nothing to offend any foreign 
Power, to avoid controversy or pretexts for intervention by 
making every concession. This might look like timidity, 
but it was policy. Siam alone could do nothing against the 
Great Powers. She valued her independence and her institu- 
tions and the position she had maintained, therefore she was 
always willing to meet every nation in a friendly spirit. Nor 
should the outside nations expect too much from Siam, nor be 
impatient with her for not adopting their ideas rapidly enough. 
Siam had her own ideas, and they had come down to the pres- 
ent generation from many generations. He was himself con- 



servative on the subject. What he valued in the relations of 
Siam with America was the unvarj'ing sense of justice on the 
part of America, and as the hopes of Siam rested wholly on 
the good-will of foreign Powers, she was especially drawn to 

All this was spoken slowly, deliberately, as if every sentence 

were weighed, 
the old minister 
speaking like 
one in medita- 
tion. I have en- 
deavored to give 
it as accurately 
as I can remem- 
ber, because it 
seemed to have 
unusual signifi- 
cance and made a 
deep impression 
upon our party 
—the impression 
that he who 
spoke was one 
in authority and 
a statesman. 
After further talk 
the Regent ad- 
dressed himself 
to Mr. Borie, and 
asked him his 
age. Mr. Borie 
answered that he was sixty-nine. "I am seventy-two," said 
the Regent; "but you look much older." It is a custom in 
Siamese, when you wish to pay a compliment to an elderly 
person, to tell him how old he looks, to compliment him on his 
gray hairs and the lines on his brow. It may have been a 
friendly estimate on our part, but Mr. Borie certainly looked 



ten years younger than the Regent. In speaking with Mr. 
Borie the Regent became ahnost phiyful. "You must not 
bear the trouble of a navy in another war." Mr. Borie ex- 
pressed his horror of war, and added that America had had 
enough of it. " At our time of life," said the Regent, put- 
ting his hand on Mr. Borie's shoulder in a half-playful, half- 
affectionate manner, " we need repose, and that our lives should 
be made smooth and free from care, and we should not be bur- 
dened with authority or grave responsibilities. That belongs 
to the others. I hope you will be spared any cares." This 
practically closed the interview, and the Regent, taking the 
hand of the General in his own, in Oriental fashion, led him 
down stairs and across the entrance-way to the boat, the troops 
saluting and the band playing. Then he took a cordial fare- 
well of Mr. Borie, telling him he was a brave man to venture 
around the world with the burden of so many years upon him. 
The government of Siam is an absolute monarchy, perhaps 
the most absolute in the world. All power comes from the 
King. He commands the army, the navy, the treasury, and 
can dispose as he pleases of the lives and property of his sub- 
jects. He administers the government by the advice of a 
Council of Ministers, at the head of whom is the Regent. 
Custom eoes far in government ; and in absolute monarchies, 
where there is a religion of custom like Buddhism, there 
grows up a kind of common law, as much regarded by king, 
priest, and people as the common law of England by the 
English people. Therefore, while in theory, and, if he so 
choose, in fact, the King, in the exercise of his sovereign rights, 
could do what he pleased, if he did anything displeasing to the 
hiofh nobles and the council there would be trouble. The 
power of the King has also been limited by the creation of the 
Council of Ministers, which was the work of the Regent, and 
was intended to advise and restrain the King during his minority. 
Its influence has not died away with the growth of the King in 
years and wisdom. Every important measure in government 
goes to the council, and the King finds, as has been found in 
other monarchical nations, the great value of a body of experi- 



enced advisers upon whose wisdom and loyalty he can depend. 
There exists also in Siam another institution, that of second 
King. This is a curious fact. The office of king, one would 
suppose, implied in itself the impossibility of a rival. In Siam 
the second King is a person and an authority, entitled to royal 
honors, living in a palace, with troops, a court, a harem, and a 
foreign minister. He has an income from the State of $300,- 
000 a year. Of authority he has none beyond the manage- 
ment of his household and the command of troops in certain of 



^ 1 



the provinces. I supposed that the real value of the office is 
the value that we give to the Vice-Presidency, that in the event 
of the sudden death of the King the power would pass to the 
second, and the functions of State would go on, the second 
King becoming the first, and another prince succeeding to his 
station. It has not proved so in Siam. 

The first King has, as a sfeneral thing, survived the second 
in every case thus far, and the struggle between the two sove- 
reignties is one of the incidents in the politics of Siam. I was 
told of the first King's party and the second King's party, and 



people took sides, just as at home they do in politics. How 
there could be a party for the second King, that did not mean 
the deposition of the first and treason to the crown, was a 
problem, and the fact that there was such a party gave me a 
favorable opinion of the toleration of the Siamese rule. 

What militates against the second King's authority and his 
claims to the succession is that he is not a Celestial Prince. In 
a nation where polygamy is the custom, and where a nobleman 
feels himself honored if the sovereign accepts his daughter as a 
member of the royal household, there will naturally be many 
princes descended from the kings. There is a difference in 
princes. The ordinary prince is the King's son by any mother 
he selects. The Celestial Prince must have a mother of royal 
descent, and no one can be sovereign who is not celestial. The 
present King's wife is a Celestial Princess, his own half-sister; 
and of Celestial Princes there are, I believe, only four — the 
King's uncle, his two brothers, and his son. The difference 
between a Celestial Prince and one of ordinary sinews is as 
great as the difference between the Duke of Edinburgh and the 
Duke of St. Albans. The Siamese lay as much stress upon 
these distinctions as the European nations, the difficulty being 
that not having a series of royal families to select from, the 
sovereigns are compelled to marry in close ties of consanguinity. 
It happens that the second King is not a Celestial Prince, only 
one of ordinary tissue, and the fact that he holds the position 
next to the sovereign, that the honors paid him are royal, that 
on all occasions of ceremony he precedes every one but the 
sovereign, is as great an annoyance to the Celestial Princes as 
it would be to the children of Queen Victoria if they saw a de- 
scendant of Nell Gwynne preceding the Prince of Wales. I sup- 
pose there would be no difficulty in allaying the ambition of the 
second King, and adjusting his office more logically to the royal 
system, were it not for the support given him by the British 
Consul-General. Some one told me in Siam that there were 
four monarchs — the first King, the second King, the Regent, 
and the British Consul-General. It so happens that the British 
Consul-General is an active supporter of the second King, and 



no sovereign in Siam cares to put his hand upon an institution 
protected by the authority of England. Why it should be in 
any way the business of the British as to which sovereign ruled 
Siam, or why a consular representative should become an ag- 
gressive power in the internal affairs of a State to which he is 


accredited, are questions which, under ordinary circumstances 
would be puzzling; but in traveling through India, and the 
British possessions in Asia, you learn a great many things about 
how to orovern Oriental nations. 

The second King, therefore, is a political influence in Siam 
— great, because behind him is the supposed power of England. 
Take that power away and I presume his Majesty would be 



ranked among the nobles, allowed the position of a duke, given 
his place after the royal family, and his present awkward and use- 
less office would be eliminated altogether from the government 
of Siam. It certainly seems to be an expensive function, one 
that might readily be absorbed into the royal office with a gain 
to the treasury and no loss to the State. The prince who holds 
the position of second King is in his fortieth year, and a gen- 
tleman of intelligence. Colonel Grant and myself made an in- 
formal call upon him at his palace after our party had made 
and received visits of ceremony. We drove over late in the 
afternoon, and were received by an officer of the household and 
ushered into a covered room, which was really a marble plat- 
form with pillars and a roof. Here was a table with tea. Here, 
we are told, his Majesty came to sit and converse with his friends 
when they visited him informally. The palace is a series of 
houses, gardens, grottos, fish-ponds, and walks, not in the best 
state of repair, and looking like an old-fashioned mansion. It 
occurred to us that there was not much money expended by the 
government upon the palace of the second King, and it bore an 
aspect of decay. In a few moments his Majesty appeared and 
eave us a cordial o^reetino-. An illness in his limbs gives him a 
slow, shuffling gait, and he told us he had not been in the upper 
story of his palace for a year. We sat under the canopy and 
talked about only America and Siam. No allusion was made to 
any political question, the King saying that he gave most of his 
time to science and study. Having a nominal authority in the 
State he has time enough for the most abstruse calculations. 
He took us to his chemical laboratory and showed us a large 
and valuable collection of minerals, ores, and preparations. 
From what we saw in the way of minerals Siam must be a rich 
country. In another room were the electrical instruments. In 
another was a turninsf wheel and some unfinished work in 
ivory. There were furnaces for baking clay, and the King 
showed us some ceramic work which had been done in the 
palace, the designs painted by Siamese artists, and illustrating 
Siamese subjects. Then we were shown a curious museum of 
Siamese and Chinese antiquities that had come down from vari- 



ous dynasties, some of rare beauty. On all of the subjects con- 
nected with the development of the arts and sciences his Majesty 
conversed with great freedom and intelligence. His life would 
seem to be a happy one, away from the cares of State, with the 
pageantry, without the perils, of power, following the pursuits 
of culture, devoting himself to the material development of the 

nation. But from all I 
could learn there was a 
fever in Siamese politics 
— a fever arising from am- 
bition — that took away 
from the comfort of this 
auxiliary throne. T h e 
King seemed sad and 
tired in his manner, as if 
he would like really to 
be employed, as if he felt 
that when one is a king 
he should be at more 
stable occupations than 
turning ivory boxes on a 
wheel, or mixing potter's 
clay. On our taking leave 
he asked us to come again 
and see him, wished us a 
happy journey home, and 
requested us to accept a 
couple of the ivory boxes and a cup and saucer, as made by 
the royal hands, as souvenirs of our visit. 

His Majesty the first King of Siam, and absolute sovereign, 
is named Chulahlongkorn. This, at least, is the name which 
he attaches to the royal signet. His name, as given in the 
books, is Phrabat Somdetch Phra Paramendo Mahah Chulah- 
longkorn Klow. He is now in the twenty-fifth year of his age, 
and ascended the throne eleven years ago, on the death of his 
father. His father was a distinguished and able man. He first 
opened Siam to the outside world by his treaties with other 




powers. There had been earher treaties, but none that really 
opened the doors of the kingdom until the accession of the 
present King's father, in 1851. This sovereign learned the Eng- 
lish language and wrote it with fluency. He taught his sons 
English, sent embassies to France and England, and also sent 
young Siamese noblemen to be educated in England. The 
effect of this policy was seen in the fact that most of the noble- 
men who attended on General Grant spoke English. The King 
himself and the princes always spoke Siamese at the royal 
audiences; but in private conversations the King spoke English 
as fluenriy as his interpreter. English and American ideas 
have taken root in the country, and there was no one with 
whom we spoke — and many and frequent were our conversa- 
tions with the leading members of the government — who did 
not look forward with pleasure to the advancement of American 
and English ideas as the best for the country. The nations 
which were only tolerated fifty years ago are welcomed to-day. 
On the afternoon of April 14th, at three o'clock. General 
Grant and party had their audience with the King of Siam. 
Our palace of Suranrom, in which we are living, is next to the 
Grand Palace ; but so vast are these royal homes that it was 
quite a drive to the house of our next-door neighbor. The 
General and party went in state carriages, and at the door of 
the palace were met by an officer. Troops were drawn up all 
the way from the gate to the door of the audience hall, and it 
was quite a walk before — having passed temples, shrines, out- 
houses, pavilions, and statelier mansions — we came to the door 
of a modest building and were met by aides of the King. A 
wide pair of marble steps led to the audience-room, and on each 
side of the steps were pots with blooming flowers and rare 
shrubs. The band in the courtyard played the national air, and 
as the General came to the head of the stairs the King, who 
was waiting, and wore a magnificent jeweled decoration, ad- 
vanced and shook the hands of the General in the warmest 
manner. Then, shaking hands with Mrs. Grant, he offered her 
his arm, and walked into the audience hall. The audience hall 
is composed of two large, gorgeously decorated saloons, that 

VOL. II. — 16 



would not be out of place in any palace. The decorations are 
French, and reminded you of the Louvre. In the first hall was 
a series of busts of contemporary sovereigns and rulers of 
States. The place of honor was given to the bust of General 

Grant, a work of 
art in dark bronze 
which did not look 
much like the Gen- 
eral, and seems to 
have been made by 
a F"rench or Eng- 
lish artist from pho- 
tographs. Trom 
here the King 
passed on to a 
smaller room, beau- 
tifully furnished in 
yellow satin. Here 
the King took a 
seat on a sofa, with 
Mrs. Grant and the 
General on either 
side, the members 
of the party o n 
chairs near him, 
officers of the court 
in the background 
standing, and ser- 
vants at the doors 
kneeling in a 1 1 i - 
tudes of submis- 
sion. The King is 
a spare young man, 
active and nervous in his movements, with a full, clear, almost 
glittering black eye, which moved about restlessly from one to 
the other, and while he talked his fingers seemed to be keeping 
unconscious time to musical measures. When any of his court 




approached him or were addressed by him they responded by a 
gesture or salute of adoration. Everything about the King be- 
tokened a high and quiclv intelHgence, and although the audience 
was a formal one, and the conversation did not go beyond words 
of courtesy and welcome from the King to the General and his 
party, he gave you the impression of a resolute and able man, 
full of resources, and quite equal to the cares of his station. This 
impression, I may add, was confirmed by all that we heard and 
saw in Siam. The audience at an end, the King led Mrs. Grant 
and the General to the head of the stairs, and we took our 

At three o'clock on the 15th of April the King returned 
the General's visit by coming in state to see him at our palace 
of Suranrom. This we were told was a most unusual honor, 
and was intended as the highest compliment it was in his Maj- 
esty's power to bestow. A state call from a king is evidently 
an event in Bangkok, and long before the hour the space in 
front of the palace was filled with curious Siamese and Chinese, 
heedless of the rain, waiting to gaze upon the celestial counte- 
nance. As the hour came, there was the bustle of preparation. 
First came a guard, which formed in front of the palace ; then 
a smaller guard, which formed in the palace yard, from the gate 
to the porch ; then a band of music, which stood at the rear of 
the inner guard ; then came attendants carrying staves in their 
hands to clear the street and give warning that the King was 
coming, that the street should be abandoned by all, so that 
majesty should have unquestioned way. Then came a squad- 
ron of the royal body-guard, in a scarlet uniform, under the 
command of a royal prince. The King sat in a carriage alone, 
on the back seat, with two princes with him, who sat on front 
seats. His Royal Highness our host, and the members of the 
household arrayed themselves in state garments, the Prince 
wearing a coat of purple silk. The General and his party wore 
evening dress, as worn at home on occasions of ceremony. 
When the trumpets announced the coming of the King, the Gen- 
eral, accompanied by the Prince, the members of his household 
and our party, came to the foot of the stairs. Colonel Grant, 

244 ^''^^■ 

wearing the uniform of a lieutenant-colonel, waited at the gate 
to receive the King in his father's name. The General, as I 
have said, waited at the foot of the marble steps, and, as the 
King advanced, shook hands with him cordially and led him to 
the reception-room. The King was dressed in simple Siamese 

costume, wearing the decoration of Siam, but not in uniform, 
Mr. Alabaster, the interpreter, stood behind the King and the 
General. The conversation continued for an hour — the King 
and the General discussing, among other subjects, the opium 
question and the emigration of the Chinese to America. The 
Kine lamented the fact that the opium habit was spreading 
among his people. General Grant urged the Kmg, among 



Other things, to send young men to America to study in our 
schools, and his Majesty announced that he thought of sending 
a special embassy to the American government. At the close 
of the conversation the King rose. General Grant walked hand 
in hand with him to the foot of the stairs, the band played the 
national air, the cavalry escort formed in line, the princes and 
high officers walked to the carriage-door, and the King drove 
home to his palace. 

On the next morning there was a state dinner at the royal 
palace. The party consisted of the King, his Royal Highness 
the Celestial Prince, several princes, members of the royal 
family of lower rank. General Grant and party, the Amer- 
ican Consul Mr. Sickles, Miss Struder, daughter of the consul 
at Singapore, Mr. Torrey the American Vice-Consul, and 
Mrs. Torrey, the Foreign Minister, his son, the King's private 
secretary Mr. Alabaster, the members of the Foreign Office, 
and the aides of the king who had been attending the General. 
The Siamese all wore state dresses — coats of gold cloth richly 
embroidered — and the King wore the family decoration, a star 
of nine points, the center a diamond, and the other points with 
a rich jewel of different character, embracing the precious 
stones found in Siam. The General was received in the audi- 
ence hall, and the dinner was served in the lower hall or dining- 
room. There were forty guests present, and the service of the 
table was silver, the prevailing design being the three-headed 
elephant, which belongs to the arms of Siam. This service 
alone cost ten thousand pounds in England. There were two 
bands in attendance, one playing Siamese, the other European 
music alternately. The Celestial Prince escorted Mrs. Grant 
to dinner and sat opposite the King at the center of the table. 
General Grant sat next the King. The dinner was long, elab- 
orate, and in the European style, with the exception of some 
dishes of curry dressed in Siamese fashion, which we were not 
brave enough to do more than taste. The night was warm, 
but the room was kept moderately cool by a system of penekahs 
or large fans swinging from the ceiling, which kept the air in 



After we had been at table about three hours there was a 
pause and a signal. The fans stopped, the music paused, and 
Mr. Alabaster, as interpreter, took his place behind the King. 
His Majesty then arose and the company with him, and, in a 
clear accent, heard all over the saloon, made the following 
speech in Siamese : 

" Your Royal Highness, Ladies and Gentlemen now assembled : I 
beg you to bear the expression of the pleasure which I have felt in receiving as 
my guest a President of the United States of America. Siam has for many 
years past derived great advantages from America, whose citizens have intro- 
duced to my kingdom many arts and sciences, much medical knowledge and 
many valuable books, to the great advantage of the country. Even before our 
countries were joined in treaty alliance, citizens of America came here and 
benefited us. Since then our relations have greatly improved, and to the great 
advantage of Siam ; and recently the improvement has been still more marked. 
Therefore it is natural that we should be exceedingly gratified by the visit 
paid to us by a President of the United States. General Grant has a grand 
fame, that has reached even to Siam, that has been known here for several 
years. We are well aware that as a true soldier he first saw glory as a leader 
in war, and, thereafter accepting the office of President, earned the admiration 
of all men as being a statesman of the highest rank. It is a great gratification 
to all of us to meet one thus eminent both in the government of war and of 
peace. We see him and are charmed by his gracious manner, and feel sure 
that his visit will inaugurate friendly relations with the United States of a still 
closer nature than before, and of the most enduring character. Therefore I 
ask you all to join with me in drinking the health of General Grant and wishing 
him every blessing." 

When the King finished, Mr. Alabaster translated the speech 
into English, the company all the time remaining on their feet. 
Then the toast was drunk with cheers, the band playing the 
American national air. 

General Grant then arose, and in a low but clear and per- 
fectly distinct voice said : 

" Your Majesty, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am very much obliged to 
your Majesty for the kind and complimentary manner in which you have wel- 
comed me to Siam. I am glad that it has been my good fortune to visit this 
country and to thank your Majesty in person for your letters inviting me to 
Siam, and to see with my own eyes your country and your people. I feel that 
it would have been a misfortune if the programme of my journey had not 
included Siam. I have now been absent from home nearly two years, and 



during that time I have seen every capital and nearly every large city in Europe, 
as well as the principal cities in India, Burmah, and the Malay Peninsula. I 
have seen nothing that has interested me more than Siam, and every hour of 
my visit here has been agreeable and instructive. For the welcome I have 
received from your Majesty, the princes and members of the Siamese govern- 
ment, and the people generally I am very grateful. I accept it, not as personal 
to myself alone, but as a mark of the friendship felt for my country by your 
Majesty and the people of Siam. I am glad to see that feeling, because I be- 
lieve that the best interests of the two countries can be benefited by nothing so 
much as the establishment of the most cordial relations between them. On my 
return to America I shall do what I can to cement those relations. I hope that 
in America we shall see more of the Siamese, that we shall have embassies and 
diplomatic relations, that our commerce and manufactures will increase with 
Siam, and that your young men will visit our country and attend our colleges 
as they now go to colleges in Germany and England. I can assure them all a 
kind reception, and I feel that the visits would be interesting and advantage- 
ous. I again thank your Majesty for the splendid hospitality which has been 
shown to myself and my party, and I trust that your reign will be happy and 
prosperous, and that Siam will continue to advance in the arts of civilization." 

General Grant, after a pause, added : 

" I hope you will allow me to ask you to drink the health of his Majesty 
the King of Siam. I am honored by the opportunity of proposing that toast 
in his own capital and his own palace, and of saying how much I have been 
impressed with his enlightened rule. I now ask you to drink the health of his 
Majesty the King, and prosperity and peace to the people of Siam." 

This toast was drunk with cheers, the company rising and 
the band playing the national air of Siam. The King then led 
the way to the upper audience chamber, the saloon of the 
statues. Here ensued a long conversation between the King 
and the General and the various members of the party. Mrs. 
Grant, in the inner room, had a conversation with the Queen, 
who had not been at table. In conversing with the General the 
King became warm and almost affectionate. He was proud of 
having made the acquaintance of the General, and he wanted 
to know more of the American people. He wished Ameri- 
cans to know that he was a friend of their country. As to the 
General himself, the King hoped when the General returned 
to the United States that he would write the King and allow 
the King to write to him, and always be his friend and cor- 



respondent. The General said he would always remember 
his visit to Siam ; that it would afford him pleasure to know 
that he was the friend of the King ; that he would write to the 
King and always be glad to hear from him, and if he ever could 
be of service to the King it would be a pleasure. With Mr. 
Borie the King also had a long conversation. It was midnight 
before the party came to an end. 

Heavy rains attended us during our stay in Bangkok. The 
thought so kindly expressed by his Highness the Celestial 

Prince, on the occasion 
of General Giant's ar- 
rival — that Siam needed 
rain, and that perhaps 
General Grant had 
brought rain with him 
— was more than veri- 
fied. There was a good 
deal to be done, how- 
ever, in the way of re- 
ceiving calls, and one 
morning, about six 
o'clock, we were aston- 
ished by a call from the 
ex-Regent. None of 
us had expected his 
Highness, and it turned out that he was in the habit of calling 
on his guests at this early hour. The ex-Regent had taken a 
great fancy to Mr. Borie, and if our friend had shown the least 
disposition to enter the Siamese service, he could have begun 
his oriental career in an exalted position. Among the visits 
of ceremony which General Grant received was that of the sec- 
ond King. His Majesty came in great pomp, riding in a chair 
and carried by bearers. Before him walked guards holding 
bamboo poles, warning all the world that there was a king on 
the way, and to go some other way. Behind him came his 
attendants bearing his special insignia of rank. One carried 
his teapot, another his betel-box, another his cigar-case, an- 


Other his sword, another his umbrella. There may have been 
other elements of rank, but these were all that I observed. 
The teapot is a very high emblem. These insignia are all of 
pure gold — a brown copper gold — studded with diamonds, and 
are marks of the most exalted rank. When the second King 
came to the palace and was seated, his insignia bearers took 
their positions near him, he who bore the sword being most 
prominent. I suppose that each of the insignia has a special 
rank — that the teapot bearer, for instance, would precede the 
betel-nut bearer, and that the one who had attained the su- 
preme felicity of carrying the umbrella would disdain the cigar- 
case carrier. I suppose there are jealousies and ambitions and 
rivalries, and that these humble offices that attach one to a 
king's person are much desired. There was the element of the 
true royal quality in this service, what you read of in ancient 
days, and although it seemed odd that a prince should find it 
necessary to his rank to have a nobleman carrying a teapot 
around in his train, it was just as proper as that other sove- 
reigns should have srrooms of the stable and masters of hounds. 
It is all a part of the royal system which came from the East. 
These customs are those of reieninsf houses of an ancient civi- 
lization, for the best we have been able to do in the arrange- 
ment of our royal systems is to copy the manners of sovereignties 
as old as Siam. 

There were other features of interest — even more so — apart 
from the pageantry of the occasion, than the royal visits and the 
feasts. Our palace of Suranrom, in which the General resides, 
does not give you a home idea of a palace. It is a series of 
buildings, and not one. When you speak of a palace in Siam 
you should say, to make your meaning clear, a town. In these 
warm countries architecture serves the sun. When you go to 
the grand palace, where the King resides, you feel as if you 
were in a private park or enclosure, with buildings in different 
styles of architecture. Suranrom is not so vast as the home of 
the King or the second King ; but it has a beautiful garden, 
which we can see as we drive in and out, but which the rain 
has debarred to us. Suranrom means, as nearly as possible, 

250 SI AM. 

" No Bother," and I suppose the name arose in imitation of 
Frederick's favorite palace of " Sans Souci." Suranrom covers 
a good deal of ground. In the front there is a courtyard where 
the guard sits all day. There is a modest archway and an 
entrance of marble steps. At the top of this way you come to 
the reception-room, a saloon furnished in the French fashion, 
with pictures on the walls of the king and his ancestors. There 
are rooms adjoining where aides and ministers can wait in at- 
tendance on the sovereign. The walls are high and the floors 
covered with a gray marble. After you leave this wing of the 
palace you pass across a corridor into an open space — colon- 
nades of marble, with chambers on either side. There is a 
cloister around this square, under which you can walk when it 
rains. The General's party are lodged here — Mr. Borie and 
the Doctor in one corner, the Colonel next, and my own room 
opposite. In another corner is a drawing-room, library, and 
other rooms for the use of the party, and a large dining-room, 
where the Prince and suite, and the General and party all take 
their meals. You pass another corridor and come to a further 
suite of rooms, sumptuously furnished, where the General and 
Mrs. Grant are quartered. These are the private apartments 
of the Prince, who has given them up to the General. There 
are rooms and suites of rooms beyond for the members of the 
household, as well as for the officers of the Siamese government 
appointed by the King to attend the General. As in all parts 
of the East where we have visited, the palace swarms with ser- 
vants. You seem to be in a cloud of attendants, who float 
about you like insects at all hours of the day and night. Kas- 
sim and Peter, who have never been in Siam before, do not 
speak the language, and seem lost. Kassim has his doubts as 
to the integrity of the Siamese nation, and whenever I come 
into my room I find him unpacking the portmanteau to see if 
anything has been taken. I have never shared Kassim's ap- 
prehensions, because there is nothing in the bag that even a 
Siamese would care to take, and partly because Kassim is of a 
suspicious nature, and has been suspecting every one he met 
since he left Calcutta, especially Malays and Chinamen. And 



as his predisposition is for a kind of employment that will en- 
able him to sit cross-legged on the floor, the portmanteau is a 
great comfort to him, and gives him the pretext for employ- 
ment and the opportunity for displaying boundless industry. 

None of the servants talk English, which is not without advan- 
tages, as you learn how little use language is in this world and 
how much can be done with pantomime. 

Sometimes even language fails, as I observed one morning 
when, on strolling into Mr. Borie's room, I found our venerable 

252 ^'^M. 

friend holding a Siamese levee, and endeavoring to impress his 
wishes upon a group of the royal servants. Mr. Borie had ex- 
hausted his English and French and Spanish, and the few words 
of Hindustanee, and was trying to express his anxieties for 
eggs and ice. By the aid of Mr. Alabaster these wishes were 
made intelligible, and the eggs came, but there was no ice. 
Ever since we left Rangoon we have been suffering from an ice 
famine, and our learned friend has given forcible voice to views 
on the ice question that would insure him a large vote in Alas- 
ka, or Minnesota, or Northern New Jersey, or some other re- 
gion of eternal snow. Ice is like a good many other things in 
this uncertain world — like boot-blacking, caper sauce, a morn- 
ing newspaper, religion, or the right of suffrage — you never 
know how much you want it until you cannot get it. I am 
ashamed to say, so human are we, much of our conversation 
ran upon ice in Siam. The temples were marvelous, the city 
was picturesque, the hospitality was royal, if there were only 
ice. The Doctor evolved out of his scientific knowledge a 
method of cooling wine in saltpeter, and although we were all 
charmed with the experiment, not wishing to wound the feel- 
ings of our professor of chemistry, the result was not a success. 
So we used to draw pictures of grateful cooling drinks at home, 
and how in ice, as in other things, America was the pinnacle of 
civilization. Our hosts, in the excess of their kindness, gave 
us specimens of Siamese cooking. There was a Siamese break- 
fast and a Siamese dinner, which I tried to comprehend by picking 
at it, but it was beyond me. It requires a higher faith than the 
fates have given me to pass through this new world of the 
kitchen. The larder of Siamese cookery is sweetmeats and hot 
sauces for curry. Everything seemed to run to sugar and red 
pepper, and we kept as closely as we could to the rice. 

Among other incidents of our stay in Siam was a reception 
by the Celestial Prince in honor of the General. To this party 
every one in the town was invited, and every one came but the 
British Consul-General. That gentleman happens to be in 
difficulties with the Siamese government. It seems his daughter 
has married a Siamese nobleman, and as the nobleman did not 



ask the King's permission, as prescribed in the laws, he has 
been flogged. Now to flog a man in Siam is a small matter, 
really a forcible reprimand ; but to flog the son-in-law of a 
Consul-General is something that the majesty of England will 
not stand, and so a British gun-boat has been sent for to blow 
the town into the air if the King does not apologize. The 
American Consul has also sent for a gun-boat, but he did not 
tell me what he proposed to do with it. We are told that if 
we could only remain a month or two we would have some fun. 
All we know is, that while the British-Consul General would be 
glad to see the General, he cannot do so in the house of a 
Celestial Prince of a kinsfdom whose sovereicfn has insulted him 
by flogging his son-in-law. The reception was brilliant. There 
were two bands — a very good European band and a Siamese 
band, which I have no doubt was very good, but it was beyond 
me. After the General and party had been presented to the 
guests they were taken into another building and shown a 
dance or pantomime. The dancers were young women, dressed 
in heavily gilded garments, tight fitting, with conical-shaped 
bands. The dance was a slow, measured movement, with a 
great deal of gesticulation and wriggling of the body and little 
movement. The theme was a semi-sacred one. There was 
one dancer in a black mask who skipped about a good deal and 
seemed to be an evil influence — an imp, or a devil like Mephis- 
topheles. I gave him this reputation because he had a way of 
kicking up his feet as though he were shutting and unshutting 
a case-knife, and making a rush at the others, whose faces were 
whitened, and who screamed and huddled together whenever 
he did so, always emerging out of the chaos into a stately 
measured dance. The time was good, but the music had a 
way of breaking into an unearthly din, something like a hun- 
dred thousand anvils beating to the accompaniment of a rail- 
way train. For a half hour or so this dance was interesting, 
but it had no variety and became inexpressibly wearisome. 

The reception at the palace was brilliant in every way, but 
with the exception of the music and the costumes of the princes 
and noblemen it might have been a reception at home. The 



Siamese preserves a part of the old costume. He wears an 
evening dress of black cloth and vest, but instead of pantaloons 
a fold of thick China silk, which girds around his loins and falls 
to the knee. The le^-s are covered with the old-fashioned silk 
stockings. As the silk is of any color — blue, green, pink, or 
purple — the effect of the varied colors is pleasant. A Siamese in 
full dress is one-half European, one-half Oriental, and one 
could hardly help feeling that it would have been better to have 
been all Oriental, and to have thrown aside the indefensible 
vanity of a black cloth coat. So far as comfort is concerned 


the Siamese costume is more agreeable than our own. Some 
of the party had themselves photographed in Siamese dress, at 
the request of the Prince, who wished such a group as a sou- 
venir of the General's visit to Banp-kok. One of the King's 
brothers is an amateur photographer, and the photographing 
took place in front of the palace. In addition to the reception 
there was a special exhibition of Siamese athletes. Our Siamese 
friends have utilized every hour of our stay in the way of in- 
terest and amusement, and all that has interfered has been the 
The athletic exhibition took place in the courtyard in 


front of the palace. All the spaces in front of the building 
were filled with the people, who have almost democratic freedom 



in this country in the way of seeing all that is to be seen and 
taking part in public entertainments. There was just a burst 
of sunshine for an hour or two, but the wet ground put the 
athletes at a disadvantage. The General sat on the piazza, 
accompanied by several of the foreign consuls, the Celestial 
Prince, and other members of the household. The difficulty 
with these entertainments is that the combatants lose their 
temper and sometimes wound each other. I am afraid this 
losing temper is a bid for popularity, as the people prefer highly 
seasoned performances, and extol a performer who leaves his 
opponent senseless and bleeding. Strict orders had been given 
that there should be nothing more than violent horse play, and 
beyond a severe blow or two with a stick or the fist there was 
nothing, to use a showman's phrase, " that would offend the 
most fastidious taste." 

There were visits to the temples and the museum. There 
is, perhaps, no more beautiful pagoda in the range of Buddhist 
architecture than the famous pagoda in Bangkok known as 
Wat-Chang. The idea of the pagoda is the same as in Bur- 
mah, with the exception that in Burmah the people cover their 
temples with gold-leaf, in Siam with precious stones. The 
Burmah idea is a mass of glowing color, in Siam there is archi- 
tectural pretension. The Bangkok pagoda is a stupendous 
mass of mosaic, with an infinite and bewildering variety of dec- 
oration. Two thoughts seem to have been turned over and 
over again in the minds of the makers — the sleeping Buddha 
and the three-headed elephant. The sleeping Buddha is a re- 
clining figure of the Lord Buddha, the face bearing an expres- 
sion of meekness and resignation strikingly like the expression 
given to the pre-Raphaelite portraits of our Saviour. The 
three-headed elephant is to Siam what the dragon is to Eng- 
land. There is a legend that the Lord Buddha, in the course 
of his transmigrations, passed into the form of an elephant, and 
the animal has become sacred, for who knows but that the 
Divine Presence may even now be in the form of an elephant. 
This uncertainty of where you may see God, or in what form 
you may strike him, establishes almost a reverential relation 



between the Siamese Buddhists and nature. We visited vari- 
ous temples, the private temple of the King being especially 
magnificent. It is not large, but a marvel of patient and min- 
ute and costly decoration. In worshiping Buddha it is the prac- 
tice to bring offerings. As these offerings are according to the 
tastes and wealth of the worshiper — the widow's mite having 
as much place in the piety of the Buddhist as in that of the 

Christian — these 
offerings, lying at 



of the 


altars, give them 
the lookof abric- 
a. - b r a c shop. 
From the flower 
to a handful of 
rice, from an Eng- 
lish print to a 
diamond, all are 
accepted in the 
house of the Lord 
Buddha. Some 
of the images of 
Buddha flashed 
with jewels, and 
in what is known 
as the emerald 
temple there is a 
small figure of 
the founder of 
the faith carved 
out of an emerald 
of great value. 
The wealth in these temples must be very great, and it in- 
creases, because whenever a Siamese grows rich he shows his 
gratitude to the Lord Buddha by decorating or building a temple. 
Another interesting visit was to the uncle of the King, a 
prince whose function is that of keeper of the royal elephants, 



and who entertained us with a special view of the white ele- 
phants sacred to Siam, and the war elephants which defend 
her from her enemies. The white elephant is regarded now 
very much as the ancient Egyptians regarded the bull. He is 
almost worshiped. He has a special home and attendants, and 
his life is one of pampered luxury. What I remarked more 
especially about the white elephant was, that it was not white, 
only a gray, dun color, without any special feature to distin- 
guish it from my old friends the menagerie elephants. The 
holiest elephant of all was not in a genial mood, and the secu- 
rity of the State was provided for by chaining him. He had 
one attendant, a weird old woman, who threw him bananas and 
sugar-cane ; but he was in a restless condition when we visited 
him, and our Siamese friends took pains to keep us out of the 
reach of his trunk. The war elephants were homelier and 
more sensible beasts. The Prince gave General Grant a re- 
view, which would have been impressive but for the rain. The 
reviewing post was a covered place where there were chairs 
looking out on a field. About fifty yards below was a heap of 
cut grass, tied up in bundles, for the elephants' accommodation. 
I suppose the supply of food was to put the elephants in good 
humor just before the supreme moment of passing in review. 
At a signal from the Prince the animals beean to move. Each 
one carried a group of armed soldiers. The warlike animals 
logged and walked along, and when they came to the grass 
buried their trunks in it, and would have remained and finished 
the wliole supply but for the energy of the mahouts, who drove 
the spikes into their heads and urged them on. After the or- 
dinary war elephants had passed we were shown the king's own 
elephant. This is also a majestic and petted brute, who never 
comes out without an attending elephant to go ahead and clear 
the way. The king's elephant is really a magnificent beast, and 
quite justifies his fame. His tusks were so long as to reach the 
ground and bend over so that the points crossed. I suppose 
we should have had some maneuvers with the elephants, but 
the clouds, which had been "-rowincj blacker and blacker, came 
upon us in a shower, and the review came to a summary end. 

VOL. II. — 17 



There was a visit to the city of Ayuthia, the ancient capital 
of Siam, and to the King's country palace. This was to close 
our visit to Siam, as from Ayuthia we should go to the mouth 
of the river and embark for China. Early in the morning we 
drove from the palace to the river and embarked on the king's 
yacht, the "Vesatu." The farewell of the General was as splen- 
did as the arrival. Troops were paraded, guns were fired, and 
we were escorted on board the yacht by the officers of the pal- 
ace. It was late in the afternoon before we reached the ancient 
capital. The General and party landed and strolled about for 
an hour and looked at the molderino- walls, the abandoned 
audience chambers, where kings were wont to sit, the temples, 
where priests have forgotten to pray, and returned to the yacht. 

Ayuthia was sacked by a Bur- 
mese army a century or so ago, 
and the government, feeling 
that it was in too exposed ' a 
position, made another capital 
out of Bangkok. From here 
we sailed to the king's summer 
palace, where we passed the 
night. This is a country place 
in the Swiss style, and is, I sup- 
pose, the nucleus of another 
town which the king proposes 
to build. In fact, the palace is a 
small town already, with build- 
ings and temples on both sides 
of the little stream — notably 
one temple in a European Gothic style of architecture. 

Early in the morning we steamed down to Bangkok again, 
and stopped for luncheon at the house of D. B. Sickles, our 
Consul. Mr. Sickles has a commodious house on the river, and 
his party was composed of Americans and the consular body. 
A band played American national airs, and the bill of fare was 
as American in its inspiration as the genius of the consular 
household could suggest. The modern invention of cans ena- 



bles you to do a great deal in that way, and patriotic wander- 
ers like Mr. Borie, who believed in the country, had their faith 
stimulated by reading on the menu of salmon from Oregon and 
corned beef from Chicago. Mr. Sickles, in a neat and brief 
speech, proposed the health of General Grant. The General 
thanked the Consul, and asked the company to drink the health 
of the King of Siam. The king's secretary acknowledged this, 
and proposed the President of the United States. We then 
walked down to the water's edge, and embarked from the con- 
sular landing in the yacht which was to carry us to our own 
vessel. The Celestial Prince and the members of his house- 
hold were there to say farewell. We took leave of his Royal 
Highness, General Grant expressing his great sense of the 
honor that had been done him, and hoping he might have the 
chance of returning Siamese hospitalities in America. The 
Prince went into his launch and steamed twice around our ves- 
sel at full speed. This is the Siamese way of wishing you a 
pleasant voyage. On reaching Bangkok we embarked, but 
the vessel could not cross the bar. Our Siamese friends who 
had been in attendance on the General took their leave at Pak- 
nam, the little town at the mouth of the river, and before the 
sun was up we were out at sea. Just before leaving Siam 
General Grant sent the King the following dispatch : 

" To His Majesty the King of Siam, Bangkok : 

" On my departure from your territory allow me to renew my thanks for 
your many acts of courtesy during my brief visit to Siam. I shall ever remem- 
ber it with pleasure, and entertain the hope that I may be able some day to re- 
turn it in part by receiving and entertaining in my own country some of those 
near and dear to you. U. S. GRANT. 

"Paknam, April 18, 1879." 

This closed our visit to Siam, — one of the most interesting 
episodes in the General's journey, not so much because of the 
royal attentions, which were extraordinary and entirely unpre- 
cedented in Siamese history, as it was in the study of the peo- 
ple. There were political advantages, too, which in time will 
be seen in a closer relation between America and Siam. 
Americans should be encouraged to take service in Siam and 



Other Eastern countries. The government should do it, and 
see that good men are sent, and not a dismal lot of vagabonds 
and adventurers, like so many of those quartered on the poor 
Khedive. How many bright men there are at home — officers 
of the army and navy — going to seed at some Indian fort, who 
would be of the greatest possible use to our own government 
and to these States if allowed to serve, as Colonel Gordon 
served the Chinese, and now serves the Khedive, without losing 
their rank at home, and having a double moral accountability 
in their service, to the government at home and the princes 
here. I do not think there are any appointments in the gift of 
the President more important, so far as the well-being of the 
country is concerned, than our appointments in tlie East, and 

especially in a 
;.Viu/f::?iiMffr'f;OTaS:PFmPr'i country like 

Siam. The 
moral i n fl u- 
ence of Amer- 
ica would have 
an impulse for 
good w h i c h 
would be felt 

in many ways in our commerce at home, in the advancement 
of these nations, in the widening of Asia more and more to 
Western civilization. Siam has met America more than half- 
way. The welcome given to General Grant was something 
more than a personal tribute. It was an appeal to the friend- 
ship and the generosity of the American government, and 
nothing would be more advantageous to civilization than for 
America to accept this in the spirit in which it is offered, and 
to strengthen her just influence in the East. 

The following correspondence between the King of Siam 
and General Grant may not be without interest: 

"Grand Palace, Bangkok, April 20, 1879. 

" My Dear General Grant : I received your kind telegram on leaving 
Siam and was very much pleased to hear that you were satisfied with your 



" Your reception was not all I could have wished, for I had not sufficient 
notice to enable me to prepare much that 1 desired to prepare, but the good 
nature of your Excellency and Mrs. Grant has made you excuse the defi- 

" You will now pass on to wealthier cities and more powerful nations, but 
I depend on your not forgetting Siam, and from time to time I shall write to 
you and hope to receive a few words in return. 

" I shall certainly never forget the pleasure your visit has given me, and 
shall highly prize the friendships thus inaugurated with your Excellency and 
Mrs. Grant. 

"I send my kind regards to Mr. Boric, wishing him long life, health, and 
happiness, and with the same wish to yourself and Mrs. Grant and your family, 
I am, your faithful friend, 

" CHULAHLONGKORN, King of Siam. 
"To General Grant." 


" United States Steamer ' Ashuelot,' 
NEAR Shanghai, May 16, 1879. 
" To His Majesty the King of Siam ; 

" Dear Sir : Just before leaving Hong-Kong for Shanghai I received your 
very welcome letter of the 20th of April, and avail myself of the first oppor- 
tunity of replying. I can assure you that nothing more could have been done 
by your Majesty and all those about you to make the visit of myself and party 
pleasant and agreeable. Every one of us will retain the most pleasant recol- 
lections of our visit to Siam and of the cordial reception we received from 
yourself and all with whom we were thrown in contact. 

" I shall always be glad to hear from you and to hear of the prosperity and 
progress of the beautiful country over which you rule with so much justice and 
thought for the ruled. 

" My party are all well, and join me in expression of highest regards for 
yourself and Cabinet, and wishes for long life, health, and happiness to all of 
you, and peace and prosperity to Siam. Your friend, 

" U. S. GRANT." 




^(P ENERAL GRANT, after his visit to the King of 
Siam, returned to Singapore, in the hopes of find- 
ing the " Richmond." We reached Singapore on 
the evening of the 2 2d of April. A dispatch was 
awaiting us from Captain Benham, to the effect that he hoped to 
be in Singapore on the 28th. But General Grant had made his 
visit, and not wishing to trespass further on the hospitalities of 
Colonel Enson, the Acting Governor of the Straits Settlements, 
resolved to continue on, by a French steamer then in port, to 
Hong-Kong. So, early on the morning of the 23d of April, in 
a heavy, pouring rain, without having time to go ashore and 
pay our respects to our kind friends Colonel Enson and .Secre- 
tary Smith, we pushed out to sea. Our vessel was the " Irra- 
waddy," commanded by Captain Gauvain, a good type of the 



French sailor and gentleman. After having been cramped up 
in coasting yachts, doomed to our own society, and yearning 
for ice, it was pleasant to be able to sweep along the broad 
decks of an ocean steamer, to be again a part of the world, to 
enter into the gossip of the ship, to unravel the mysteries of 
our fellow-passengers, to find out people, to discover that this 
was a bride and the other a duke, to meet the singing person, 
and the young lady with an album, and the young gentleman 
who had never been to sea before, and believes everything that 
is told him, and the idle, wicked young men who tell him 
everything — about whales obstructing the ship's course, about 
tigers springing on the deck from the Saigon Hills, and the 
terrors of Asia. Mr. Borie's satisfaction became enthusiasm 
when he learned there was ice on board, and ice enough to 
make an iceberg. -So we settled down into a condition of 
comfort, for the sea was smooth and we were rapidly leaving 
the tropics for the north, and through northern latitudes for 

I take the occasion of this trip to recall again some memo- 
randa of my conversations with General Grant. I trust the 
reader will pardon any intrusion in my narrative of mere mat- 
ters of talk, because most of our talk was in the idle hours of 
sea-travel. I note especially one conversation on home poli- 
tics, particularly on the point so much discussed at home, as to 
the honesty of men in our public life. " Men in public life," 
said the General, " are like men in other spheres of life. It 
would be very hard for me to say that I knew six men in pub- 
lic position that I know to lie dishonest of absolute moral cer- 
tainty. Men will do things who are senators or members that 
reformers call corrupt. They will ask for patronage, and gov- 
ern themselves in their dealings with the administration by 
their success in the matter of patronage. This is a custom, and 
if the reformer's theory is correct, it is corruption. And yet 
the men who were reformers, who turned their eyes at the sins 
of others, I generally found as anxious for patronage as others. 
Mr. Sumner, for instance, who is the idol of the reformers, 
was among the first senators to ask offices for his friends. He 



expected offices as a right. Of course he spoke as a senator. 
He had no consideration except as a senator. If he had been 
a private man in Boston he would never have named a minis- 
ter to London. As our pubHc men go, as our forms of gov- 
ernment go, Mr. Sumner and other senators were perfectly 
honest. There was no corruption in his asking me to appoint 
this man and the other. They regarded executive appoint- 
ments for their friends as the rewards of public life. Mr. Ed- 
munds asked me to keep Marsh in Italy. The whole Vermont 
delegation joined in the request. Yet no senator was more 
independent than Edmunds, more ready to oppose the admin- 
istration if he 
disagreed with it 
— and so down 
the whole list. 
It was a rule. In 
a government 
where there are 
senators and 
members, where 
senators and 
members depend 
upon politics for 
success, there 
will be applica- 
tions for patronage. You cannot call it corruption — it is a 
condition of our representative form of government — and yet 
if you read the newspapers, and hear the stories of the reform- 
ers, you will be told that any asking for place is corruption. 
My experience of men makes me very charitable in my criti- 
cism of public officers. I think our government is honestly 
and economically managed, that our civil service is as good as 
any in the world that I have seen, and the men in office are 
men who, as a rule, do their best for the country and the gov- 
ernment. There is no man in the country," continued the 
General, "so anxious for civil service reform as the President 
of the United States for the time being. He is the one per- 




son most interested. Patronage is the bane of the Presiden- 
tial office. A large share of the vexations and cares of the 
Executive come from patronage. He is necessarily a civil ser- 
vice reformer, because he wants peace of mind. Even apart 
from this, I was anxious when I became President to have 
a civil service reform broad enough to include all that its most 
earnest friends desired. I gave it an honest and fair trial, 
although George William Curtis thinks I did not. One rea- 
son, perhaps, for Mr. Curtis's opinion may be that he does 
not know as much about the facts as I do. There is a good 
deal of cant about civil service reform, which throws doubt 
upon the sincerity of the movement. The impression is given 
by the advocates of civil service reform that most of the exec- 
utive appointments are made out of the penitentiary. Writers 
who have reached years of discretion, like John Jay, gravely 
assert that one-fourth of the revenue collected at the New 
York Custom House is lost in process of collection. Of course, 
no reform can be sound when it is sustained by such wild and 
astounding declarations. Then many of those who talk civil 
service reform in public are the most persistent in seeking 
offices for their friends. Civil service reform rests entirely 
with Congress. If members and senators will give up claim- 
ing patronage, that will be a step gained. But there is an 
immense amount of human nature in members of Congress, 
and it is in human nature to seek power and use it and to 
help friends. An Executive must consider Congress. A gov- 
ernment machine must run, and an Executive depends on Con- 
gress. The members have their rights as well as himself. If 
he wants to get along with Congress, have the government 
go smoothly, and secure wholesome legislation, he must be 
in sympathy with Congress. It has become the habit of Con- 
gressmen to share with the Executive in the responsibility 
of appointments. It is unjust to say that this habit is nec- 
essarily corrupt. It is simply a custom that has grown up, a 
fact that cannot be ignored. The President very rarely ap- 
points, he merely registers the appointments of members of 
Congress. In a country as vast as ours the advice of Con- 


gressmen as to persons to be appointed is useful, and generally 
for the best interests of the country. The long continuance of 
the Republican party in power really assures us a civil service 
reform. Mr. Hayes's administration will close the twentieth 
year of Republican rule. These twenty years have built up a 
large body of experienced servants in all departments of the 
government. The only break was when Mr. Johnson was at 
enmity with his party, and filled many offices with incompetent 
men. I suffered from that. Most of my early removals and 
appointments were to weed out the bad men appointed by 
Johnson. Mr. Hayes has had no such trouble. I made some 
removals in the beginning that I should not have done, by the 
mere exercise of the executive power, without adequate reason. 
But as soon as I came to know the politicians this ceased. I 
was always resisting this pressure from Congressmen, and I 
could recall many cases where nothing but resistance, my own 
determined resistance, saved good men. Take, for instance, 
General Andrews, former Minister to Sweden. General An- 
drews made an admirable minister, with a brilliant record. 
When I was in Sweden the king told me that he had been the 
best minister we had ever sent there. His record confirmed 
this. Pressure came to remove him, even from men who had 
asked his original appointment. He had been away, he was 
out of politics, a new man would help the party in Minnesota, 
and so on. I did not think the Republican party in Minne- 
sota required much help, and I said that I did not see how, in 
the face of his record, I could fail to recommission General 
Andrews. If it had been my first term I could not have stood 
the pressure. These two incidents occur to me as showing 
how Congressional influence gave us so good a man as Marsh, 
and took away so good a man as Andrews. They illustrate 
my meaning when I say that the Executive does not appoint, 
but register appointments. Moreover, the Republican party 
has never been proscriptive. Mr. Lincoln had to make many 
removals and appointments, but this came from the Secession 
movement. Mr. Lincoln was always glad to recognize loyal 
Democrats, and in all the departments in Washington a loyal 



Democrat was certain to remain. As a consequence of this 
policy, I suppose it is not too much to say that one-fourth, if 
not more, of the officers of the government in Washington 
are Democrats. Some of the best men in the service are 
Democrats. They were never disturbed. I never removed 
men because they were Democrats, if they were otherwise 
fit. I never thought of such a thing, nor does Mr. Hayes. 
This shows that 

civil service re- 
form is growing 
in America, in 
the only way it 
can grow natur- 
a 1 1 y — through 
time, through 
the long con- 
tinuance of one 
party in power, 
and the c o n- 
sequent educa- 
tion of an ex- 
perienced class 
of public s e r- 
vants. That 
is the only way. 
As for censur- 
ing a President 
because there is 
no civil service 
reform written 

in rules and books, it is absurd, for, as I have said, the 
President, whoever he is, is the one man in the country 
most anxious for the reform. Notwithstanding all that is 
said by the newspapers, I am convinced that our civil service, 
take it all and all throughout the country, is in as high a state 
of efificiency, and, I think, higher than that of any other nation 
in the world." 



Out of this arose a question as to the abuse which had 
crept into our elections, the abuse of assessing pubUc officials 
for funds to carry on elections. " I see," said the General, " in 
some of the newspapers, that under Mr. Hayes it is a subject 
for congratulation that office-holders are no longer removed be- 
cause they will not pay assessments for political campaigns. I 
never removed a man for such a refusal, never knew one of my 
Cabinet to do so, and if I had ever known it, I would have dis- 
missed the officer who had made such removals. Statements 
like this belong to the cant of the civil service discussion, and 
throw doubt upon the sincerity of those who advocate the re- 
form. I can see where our service can be amended. But 
every day the Republican party remains in power amends it. 
As to competitive examinations, they are of questionable utility. 
One of the most brilliant candidates before the civil service 
board was in jail very soon after his appointment, for robbery. 
The way to achieve the best civil service is, first to iniluence 
Congressmen, and induce them to refrain from pressure upon 
the Executive ; then pass laws giving each office a special 
tenure ; then keep the Republican party in power until the 
process of education is complete. As it is now, the only danger 
I see to civil service reform is in the triumph of the Democratic 
party. As it is, if our friends at home would only be candid 
and see it, civil service reform has been going on ever since 
1 86 1, with the exception of the end of Johnson's term. During 
those years there has grown up an educated, tried, and trusty 
body of public servants. They cannot be displaced without in- 
jury. There are black sheep now and then, failures from 
time to time. But the great body of the public service could 
not be improved. 

" There is nothing I have longed for so much," said the 
General, "as a period of repose in our politics, that would 
make it a matter of indifference to patriotic men which party 
is in power. I long for that. I am accused, I see, as having a 
special aversion to democracy. People used to remind me 
that 1 voted for Buchanan, and call me a rcmegade. The 
reason I voted for Buchanan was that 1 knew Fremont. That 



was the only vote I ever cast. If I had ever had any poHtical 
sympathies they would have been with the Whigs. I was raised 
in that school. I have no objection to the Democratic party as 
it existed before the war. I hope again to see the time when 
I will have no objection to it. Before the war, whether a man 
was Whig or Democrat, he was always for the country. Since 





^ /4| 



i- * \H 










. » '^ 


the war, the Democra- 
tic party has always 
been against the country. That is 
the fatal defect in the Democratic 
organization, and why I would see 
with alarm its advent to power. There are men in that 
organization, men like Bayard, McClellan, Hancock, and others 
whom I know. They are as loyal and patriotic as any men. 
Bayard, for instance, would make a splendid President. I 
would not be afraid of the others in that office; but, behind 
the President thus elected, what would you have ? The first 


element would be the solid South, a South only solid through 
the disfranchisement of the negroes. The second would be 
the foreign element in the North, an element which has not 
been long enough with us to acquire the education or experi- 
ence necessary to true citizenship. Neither of these elements 
has any love for the Union. The first made war to destroy 
it, the second has not learned what the Union is. These ele- 
ments constitute the Democratic party, and once they gain 
power I should be concerned for the welfare of the country. 
They would sway their President, no matter how able or 
patriotic. My fear of this result has always made me wish 
that some issue would arise at home that would divide parties 
upon some other question than the war. I hoped that would 
be one of the results of the Greenback agitation. The triumph 
of a Democratic party as it was before the war, of an opposi- 
tion party to the Republicans as patriotic as the Democratic 
party before the war, would be a matter to be viewed with 
indifference so far as the country is concerned. The triumph 
of the Democratic party as now organized I would regard as a 
calamity. I wish it were otherwise. I hope every year to see 
it otherwise. But as yet I am disappointed. I am a Republican 
because I am an American, and because I believe the first 
duty of an American — the paramount duty — is to save the re- 
sults of the war, and save our credit." 

I remember hearing the General describe the inside history 
of the Electoral Commission, and of his own part in that move- 
ment. Many of the things he said belong to the history which 
one day may be written. To write them now would be pre- 
mature. " Nothing," said the General, " could have been wiser 
than the Electoral Commission, and nothing could be more un- 
patriotic than the attempt to impair the title of Mr. Hayes as 
fraudulent. There was a good deal of cowardice and knavery 
in that effort. Mr. Hayes is just as much President as any of 
his predecessors. The country cannot too highly honor the men 
who devised and carried through the Electoral Commission. 
Mr. Conkling, especially, did grand service in that. He showed 
himself brave enough to rise above party. The crisis was a 



serious one, and for me one of peculiar annoyance. There is 
something radically wrong about our manner of attaining and 
declaring the results of a presidential election which I am sur- 
prised has not been amended. It used to worry Morton a 
great deal, and on previous occasions we had trouble about it. 
The simple duty of declaring who has the largest number of 
votes should be easily done. We should never go through 
another Electoral Commission excitement. This is a ques- 
tion which should be decided free from politics, and yet it is 
delayed and paralyzed from purely political considerations. 
History, however, will 
justify the Electoral 
Commission as a fine 
bit of self-government 
on the part of the peo- 
ple. I say this with- 
out recrard to its deci- 
sion. I would have 
thoutrht the same if 


Tilden had been elect- 

A question was 
asked as to whether 
the General had any 
fear of an outbreak as 
the result of the Com- 
mission. "That was 

the least of my fears," said the General. " I never believed 
there would be a blow, but I had so many warnings that I 
made all my preparations. I knew all about the rifle clubs of 
South Carolina, for instance, the extent of whose organization 
has never been made known. I was quite prepared for any con- 
tingency. Any outbreak would have been suddenly and sum- 
marily stopped. So far as that was concerned my course was 
clear, and my mind was made up. I did not intend to have two 
governments, nor any South American pronunciamentos. I 
did not intend to receive ' commissioners from sovereign States 



as Buchanan did. If Tildcn was declared elected I Intended to 
hand him over the reins, and see him peacefully Installed. I 
should have treated him as cordially as I did Hayes, for the 
question of the Presidency was then neither personal nor politi- 
cal, but national. I tried to act with the utmost impartiality 
between the two. I would not have raised my finger to have 
put Hayes in, if in so doing I did Tilden the slightest injustice. 
All I wanted was for the legal powers to declare a President, 
to keep the machine running, to allay the passions of the can- 
vass, and allow the country peace. I am profoundly grateful 
that the thing ended as it did without devolving upon me new 
responsibilities. The day that brought about the result and 
enabled me to leave the White House as I did, I regard as one 
of the happiest In my life. I felt, personally, that I had been 
vouchsafed a special deliverance. It was a great blessing to 
the country — the peaceful solution I mean. I cannot see how 
any patriotic man can think otherwise. We had peace, and 
order, and observance of the law, and the world had a new 
illustration of the dignity and efficiency of the Republic. This 
we owe to the wisdom and foresight of the men who formed 
the Electoral Commission, Democrats as well as Republi- 

" At the same time, I think," said the General, continuing 
the conversation, " that we should revise our electoral laws, and 
prevent the renewal of such a crisis. I have thought a good 
deal over this subject of the duration of the presidential office. 
I always read with Interest the discussions arising out of it. 
These discussions have done good, and our people, with their 
great common sense, will come to a solution. My own mind 
is not clear as to which would be the best plan. The one-term 
idea has many arguments in its favor. Perhaps one term, with- 
out a re-election, for six or seven years would be as good as any 
other. The argument against a second term that a president 
is tempted to use his patronage to re-elect himself, is not sound. 
The moment a president used his office for such a purpose he 
would fail. It would be the suicide of his administration. It 
would offend the people, and array against him the public men, 


most of whom are dreaming of the succession for themselves, 
and would resent a policy they deemed to be an invasion of 
their own rights. There is nothing in that argument. Patron- 
age does not strengthen a president. When you take up the 
question of second or third terms, and propose permanent ineli- 
gibility afterward, you are encountered with the argument that 
in a free government a people have a right to elect whomso- 
ever they please, and that because a man has served the country 
well he should not at the end of his term be in the position of 
an officer cashiered from the army. What you want to avoid, 
it seems to me, is not re-elections but frequent elections. I 
think the best plan, one that would go farther to satisfy all 
opinions, would be one term for six or seven years, and ineli- 
gibility to re-election. Practically this would settle the ques- 
tion. Eligibility after an intervening term would not be of 
much value, for, in our country, most of the men who served 
one term would be past the age for election by the time another 
had intervened. The Swiss plan of short terms would not do 
for a country as large and new as ours. It is well enough for a 
small, ancient, populous, and highly-developed republic." 

Speaking of the canvass of 1876, the General said one day: 
" I had only one candidate for the presidency as my successor, 
and that was the Republican candidate who could be elected. 
I took no part in the discussions antecedent to the Cincinnati 
Convention, because the candidates were friends, and any one, 
except Mr. Bristow, would have been satisfactory to me, would 
have had my heartiest support. Mr. Bristow I never would 
have supported, for reasons that I may give at some other 
time in a more formal manner than mere conversation. Mr. 
Blaine would have made a good president. My only fear about 
him was that the attacks made upon him at the time would 
injure his canvass. To me personally Blaine would have been 
acceptable. He is a very able man, I think a perfectly honest 
man, fit for any place ; but his enemies had opened a line of 
attack which would have made his canvass difficult. Mr. Mor- 
ton was a man of great parts, who did a grand work during the 
war. His course as the Governor of Indiana has, I think, never 

VOL. II. 18 


been properly appreciated. He saved Indiana to the Union. 
As a speaker he was most persuasive. He had the art of say- 
ing everything possible on a subject, and from that became a 
most effective debater. Morton would have been as good in 
the presidency as in the governorship. But there were two 
objections : his health, and his opinions on finance. It would 
have been difficult, I am afraid impossible, to have elected 
Morton. Conkling would have satisfied me, as I am fond of him 
and hold his great character and genius in profound respect ; and, 


if nominated, he would have had elements of strength which 
neither of the others possessed. He would have been better as 
a candidate before the people than before the convention. In- 
ternal dissensions in New York defeated him, as internal dis- 
sensions in Illinois defeated Washburne. It looked for a time 
as if Washburne would be the dark horse instead of Hayes, But 
his friends were unwise in their antagonisms, especially to Lo- 
gan. I used to reason with them about it, and try to make 
peace and smooth Washburne's way. Logan is a man who 
will pout and get cross, and become unreasonable ; but when 

THE CANVASS OF 1876. 2715 

the time comes for action — when the party or the country- 
needs his services — he is first at the front, and no man is more 
trustworthy. I never could see why Logan's temper should 
interfere with his career, especially because he was at heart, and 
in every trial, as true as steel. These dissensions in Illinois 
defeated Washburne. I should have been deliehted to have 
had Washburne as my successor. Apart from our personal re- 
lations, which are of the closest nature, I have a ereat admira- 
tion for Washburne. He has been my friend always, and I am 
grateful for his friendship. He is a true, high-minded, patriotic 
man, of great force and ability. While he was in France, some 
of our enemies tried to make mischief between us, but it had 
no result. I have entire faith in Washburne, and if I could 
have cleared the way for him in Cincinnati I would have done 
so. But his Illinois friends made that impossible. I saw he 
could not be nominated. I did not see any nomination for 
Blaine, Morton, or Conkling. Bristow was never a serious 
candidate, never even a probability. Looking around for a 
dark horse, in my own mind, I fixed on Fish. Governor Fish 
seemed to me the man to run. Bayard Taylor said to me in 
Berlin that the three greatest statesmen of this age were Ca- 
vour, Gortchakoff, and Bismarck. I told him I thought there 
were four ; that the fourth was Fish, and that he was worthy 
to rank with the others. This was the estimate I formed of 
Fish after eight years of Cabinet service, in which every year 
increased him in my esteem. So I wrote a letter to be used at 
the proper time — after the chances of Blaine, Morton, and Conk- 
ling were exhausted — expressing my belief that the nomina- 
tion of Governor Fish would be a wise thing for the party, and 
his election, if elected, for the best interests of the country. 
The time never came to use it. Fish never knew anything 
about this letter until after the whole convention was over. 
Hayes was, under the circumstances, a good nomination. I 
knew Hayes as Congressman fairly well, and was very glad to 
support him. I think he is doing as well as he can, especially 
considering the difficulties which surrounded him at the outset, 
difficulties which would embarrass any administration, and 



which our friends should consider before they are impatient. 
The financial views of Mr. Hayes, at a time like this, are a 
blessing to the country. For that reason alone he should be 
made as strong as possible. 

"Hamilton Fish," said General Grant, "is, I think, the 
best Secretary of State we have had in fifty years, unless it may 
have been Marcy. This will be the opinion of those who study 
the records of the State Department. He differed from Marcy 
and excelled him in this, that he never did anything for effect, 
while Marcy would often do things for effect. In this — his 
aversion to anything that looked like striving for an effect — 
Fish was so straight that I sometimes thought he leaned back- 
wards. When I formed my Cabinet I consulted no one. The 
only member of it whom I informed in advance was A. T. 
Stewart. Mr. Stewart had so many vast and stupendous pri- 
vate interests, that I did not think it would be fair to offer him 
such a place without first knowing whether he could accept. I 
thought his genius for business would be the quality required 
in the Treasury, and I wanted the Treasury conducted on strict 
business principles. When I spoke to Mr. Stewart he was 
pleased. My first choice for the State Department was James 
F. Wilson of Iowa. I appointed Mr. Washburne under pecu- 
liar circumstances. Mr. Washburne knew he was going to 
France, and wanted to go. I called on him one clay when he 
was ill. I found him in a desponding mood. He said that be- 
fore going to a country like France, he would like to have the 
prestige of a Cabinet office, that it would help his mission very 
much. He suggested the Treasury. I had already spoken to 
Mr. Stewart on the subject, and said I would make him .Secre- 
tary of State. So came the appointment. You remember 
Schofield was retained for a time as Secretary of War. I did 
this to mark my approval of his course in going into Johnson's 
Cabinet. As a matter of fact, before Schofield accepted John- 
son's offer he consulted with me, and I advised him to accept. 
But Schofield was in the army, and a general. Of course he 
could not resign a life position of so high a grade to take a 
political office that would last four years. And I do not think 



it proper that an officer in high rank should be either at the 
head of the army or the navy. After Rawhns died, I debated 
for some time between Belknap, whom I did appoint, and Fair- 
child, now the Consul-General in Paris. What decided be- 
tween the two were State considerations. I appointed Mr. 
Borie to the Navy because I knew him to be an exalted char- 
acter, one of the 
best types of 
Americans I 
have ever 
known ; a mer- 
chant who had 
amassed a large 
fortune, and per- 
fectly fitted for 
any place. If 
Mr. Borie had 
felt able or will- 
ing to undergo 
the labors of the 
Navy Depart- 
ment, he would 
have made an 
admirable sec- 
retary. He de- 
clined the place, 
and only re- 
mained for a 
time at my ur- 
gent entreaty. I 
wanted the 

Navy Department to go to Pennsylvania, and offered it to George 
H. Stuart of Philadelphia. He was a business man and could 
not accept. Then I asked Lindley Smith of Philadelphia. His 
professional engagements were too absorbing. Mr. Borie 
mentioned Robeson, and arranged that we should meet on an 
excursion I was taking to West Point. Here I made Robe- 



son's acquaintance, and out of it came his appointment to the 
Navy Department. After I gave the Treasury to Boutwell, of 
course it would not do to have two Cabinet officers from Mas- 
sachusetts, and Mr. Hoar retired. I have a great esteem for 
Mr. Hoar, and was sorry the Senate did not confirm his nom- 
ination for the .Supreme Bench. I loolc back upon my Cabi- 
net selections with great pleasure, and am very grateful to the 
gentlemen associated with me for their assistance. Boutwell 
went out of the Cabinet to become senator. But I think he 
regretted it. He told me one day that he felt homesick after 
leaving the administration. I was sorry to lose him. I had 
difficulty in inducing Mr. Fish to remain eight years. At one 
time he was so bent on resicrningf, that I had selected his sue- 
cessor. It would have been President White of Cornell. Un- 
der the present administration one thing has been achieved 
which I admire, namely, the proper position of the General of 
the army. It is now as it was before Marcy, as .Secretary of 
War, quarreled with .Scott. .Scott became angry, and retired 
to Elizabeth, leaving Marcy in command of the army. Secre- 
taries have commanded it ever since, until now. Now it is as 
it should be, and as I think it will remain. 

" I never knew Greeley well," said the General, " and don't 
think I ever met him until after I was elected President. But 
I had a great respect for his character. I was raised in an old 
line Whig family, my father being an active man in the Whig 
party — attending conventions and writing resolutions. So that 
all of my earliest predilections were for Mr. Greeley and his 
principles. I tried very hard to be friendly with Mr. Greeley, 
and went out of my way to court him ; but somehow we never 
became cordial. I invited him to the White House, and he 
dined with me. Greeley had strange notions about the kind 
of men who should take office. He believed that when a man 
was a helpless creature, who could do nothing but burden his 
friends, and was drifting between the jail and the poorhouse, 
he should have an office. For good men to hold office was in 
his mind a degradation. I remember on one occasion meeting 
him on the train between Washington and New York. I had 


a special car, and sent for him to come in. We talked all the 
way. He laid down this doctrine. I said laughingly, ' That, 
Mr. Greeley, accounts for your always pushing so-and-so,' 
naming one of his herd of worthless men who were always 
hanging about the Washington hotels with letters of recom- 
mendation from him in their pockets. He was much annoyed 
at my personal application, although I had no idea of offending 
him. I don't think he ever quite forgave me for my raillery. 
Greeley was a man of great influence and capacity ; but I think 
that in his latter years, at least when I knew him, he was suf- 
fering from the mental disease from which he died. He made 
suggestions to me, and recommendations to office, of the most 
extraordinary character, that he never could have conceived 
in a healthy frame of mind. I should like to have known 
him earlier when he was himself. If he had been elected 
President he never could have lived through his term, and 
the government would really have been in the hands of Gratz 

" By the way," said the General, " the indirect claims case, 
as presented in our case against England at the time of the Ala- 
bama arbitration, was an illustration of what those in authority 
are compelled sometimes to do as a matter of expediency. I 
never believed in the presentation of indirect claims against 
England. I did not think it would do any good. I knew 
England would not consider them, and that it would compli- 
cate our meritorious case by giving her something to complain 
about. When Mr. Fish prepared our case against England, 
and brought it to me for approval, I objected to the indirect 
claim feature. Mr. Fish said he entirely agreed with me, but 
it was necessary to consider Mr. Sumner. Mr. Sumner was at 
the head of the committee in the Senate that had charge of 
foreign affairs. He was not cordial to the treaty : we had 
overruled one of his suggestions — namely, that our first con- 
dition of peace with England should be the withdrawal of her 
flag from the American continent. That suggestion was a 
declaration of war, and I wanted peace, not war. Mr. Sumner 
had also laid great stress upon indirect claims. Not to consider 


them in our case, therefore, would offend him. Then if we 
made a treaty without considering indirect claims, they would 
exist as an unsettled question, and be used by demagogues as 
pretexts for embroiling us at some future time with England. 
The surest way of settling the indirect claim question was to 


send it to the Geneva tribunal. The argument of Mr. Fish 
convinced me, but somewhat against my will. I suppose I 
consented because I was sincerely anxious to be on terms with 
Sumner, as I wanted to be with all of our leading Republicans. 
But neither Mr. Fish nor myself expected any good from the 
presentation. It really did harm to the treaty, by putting our 


government and those in England who were our friends in a 
false position. It was a mistake, but well intended. It is a 
mistake ever to say more than you mean, and as we never 
meant the indirect claims, we should not have presented them, 
even to please Mr. Sumner." 

On the third day of our voyage we came to the shores of 
Cochin-China and entered the river. Cochin-China is now 
a French colony, and was among the achievements of Louis 
Napoleon. The history of the growth of the French power is 
like that of European power in Asia. It began as a missionary 
venture, as an opening for trade, and ended in becoming a 
French colony. Napoleon was anxious, among other dreams, 
to realize a Latin empire in Asia, as the English had built a 
Saxon empire in Hindostan. Cochin-China had fallen under 
French influence in various ways — before the first slice of con- 
quest in 1862, and the second in 1867. A French Vicar Apos- 
tolic was in charge of the religion of the country, and the effect 
of this was to make annexation easy. I have not taken the 
trouble to inquire into the " grievance " which culminated in 
the invasion of Cochin-China by the French. There is no 
investigation more unprofitable than this inquiry into the 
causes of the invasion of Eastern powers by the Western. 
The causes are the same. The Western powers want territory 
and glory, military and naval opportunities, and the rest comes. 
There is a breathing spell at home, in home affairs, and a raid 
into the East is practice for the troops, practice and discipline. 
Behind Napoleon's venture was the overmastering ambition of 
his house ; and I suppose the French would have gone on and 
on until they had scissored off a good remnant of the Chinese 
empire, but for the European and American complications. 
What we know of the Cochin-Chinese before their absorption 
is, that they were a docile people, of a lower grade than Chinese 
or Siamese. They seem to have had no delicacy in their lives. 
Woman was reduced into even a lower scale than that assigned 
to her in the East. The rich man made her a toy, the poor 
man a slave. In the arts their knowledge was elementary. 
Yet their reputation was not always thus. Camoens in the 


Lusiad, who wrote from a personal knowledge of the East, 
makes a complimentary reference to Cochin-China : 

" Chiampa there her fragrant coast extends, 
There Cochin-China's cultured land ascends, 
From Annam Bay begins the ancient reign 
Of China's beauteous art-adorned domain. 
Wide from the burning to the frozen skies, 
O'erflowed with wealth the potent empire lies." 

This was written more than three hundred years ago. But 
those who saw Cochin-China with other than a poet's eyes 
found the people in the elementary stages of culture. I should 
think there was about the same difference between a Cochin- 
Chinaman and a Chinaman proper, as between a Mexican and 
a Yankee. Chaigneau, a Frenchman who held office under the 
old government, and was one of the pioneers of French inilu- 
ence, says of the genius of the people : " You find goldsmiths, 
blacksmiths, carpenters, joiners, but none of their arts have 
risen above mediocrity. They have some knowledge of the 
art of tempering iron and steel, but their tools are either too 
brittle or too soft. They work better in copper, because the 
metal is always prepared for them by the Chinese." Chinese 
manners had impressed the country. The calendar was Chi- 
nese, and the coin an imitation of Chinese coin. The religion 
is the same, Buddhism, and the morals of Confucius. There 
was none of the pomp and barbaric splendor in the temples that 
we saw in the Buddhist temples of Burmah and Siam. In these 
Chinese countries the lower classes are Buddhists, the upper 
classes followers of Confucius — which means orthodoxy tem- 
pered with a discreet skepticism. Buddhism in Cochin-China 
means a moral life as the priests dictate. The gospel of Con- 
fucius is a moral life as your conscience dictates. The cus- 
toms of the people, marriage, funeral ceremonies, the adora- 
tion of ancestors, the observance of festivals and eras, are 
based on the Chinese canons. The King reigned in what 
was called a patriarchal despotism. He was absolute and su- 
preme. The King lived apart, and made himself sacred and 



unapproachable like the Chinese emperor. Torture was allowed 
in the administration of justice. Flogging was a cherished in- 
stitution. The police carried their bamboo staffs, and kept 
order by flogging the people. Christianity made its way 
during that marvelous movement for the conversion of Asia, 
begun by Ignatius Loyola in the sixteenth century. A Span- 
ish priest planted the cross in 1583. In a generation or two 
the French came and strengthened the cross. Then came 
a prince who persecuted the Christians and drove out the 


priests. But the cross was succeeded by the sword, and now 
Cochin-China is as much a province of France as Champagne 
or Algeria. 

Saigon is about forty miles from the sea, and you approach 
it through a series of rivers, which interlace the soil, and break 
and twist and bend, until the map looks like a demonstration in 
anatomy of the alimentary functions of the body. We passed 
Cape Saint Jacques after luncheon, and a boat came from the 
shore with a telegram from Admiral Lafond, the Governor- 
General, to the General, asking him to be his guest at the 



Government House. We sailed up the rivers until the sun 
was going down, and we saw the masts of the shipping at the 
wharves, and the spires of Saigon. As we were quietly sailing 
along, sitting on the deck and looking out upon the dense, 
green tropical landscape, growing richer and denser under 
the flushing rays of the descending sun, we heard the snap- 
ping of a chain, and the vessel began to reel around in the 
channel as though it had fallen under the influence of liquor, 
and turned its prow to the shore. In a few minutes the nose 
of the ship was buried in the soft, black mud, the engines were 
stopped, and then we knew that the tiller-chains had broken 
and the helm was helpless. There were hoarse cries of com- 
mand, and sailors hurrying hither and thither, and the crew 
became a mob. You note among the French that in times of 
excitement and danger they lose self-possession. Some of the 
sailors broke into tears, to the annoyance of the captain, who 
made the fine philosophical observation, that when you were 
in danger )'ou should possess yourself with a grand calm, and 
if you had to go down, go down like gentlemen. There was 
no denying this dogma, and we were in a position to discuss it 
calmly, because we were entirely out of danger, and if the 
worst came to the worst, we could all walk ashore from the 
side of the vessel. The incident would have been a serious 
one had our tiller-chains snapped a quarter of an hour later. 
We should then have been among the shipping, and our heavy 
vessel would have swung around like a battering-ram, and 
destroyed the smaller craft. But all is well that ends well. 
Our chains were mended, and after a couple of hours' delay 
our vessel was at her wharf, and the General and Mrs. Grant 
went ashore to the Government House. General Grant re- 
mained in Saigon during the stay of the steamer, and was 
entertained at dinner by the Governor-General. There was 
a reception in his honor, at which all the European residents 
attended ; and after the reception the General drove back to 
the steamer, which sailed at daybreak. It was interesting to 
see in Saicfon an illustration of what the French have been 
doing in Asia. The town does great credit to France, and is 

SAIGON. 285 

one of the most beautiful we have seen. The streets are ar- 
ranged in Parisian style, and there was just a touch of Paris 
that was almost plaintive in the small cafes, before which the 
residents sat and drank beer. The management of the colony 
is prosperous and yields a revenue to France. 




N the 27th of April we left our moorings at Saigon, 
and reached the open sea at breakfast time. The 
heat was very severe, and we began — all of us, I 
think — to feel the effects of continued life in the trop- 
ics ; but as we approached Hong-Kong a cool breeze from the 
north gave us great relief. An interesting feature of the trip 
was the opportunity of meeting that distinguished official in the 
Chinese service, the Honorable Robert Hart, Inspector of Cus- 
toms in China. Mr. Hart, although a young man, has gained 
a world-wide fame, and is perhaps one of the best-informed 
Europeans living as to the resources of the Chinese Empire, and 
the manners and customs of the Chinese people. There were 
many conversations between General Grant and Mr. Hart 
about China, and we could not but be grateful for the advan- 




tage that befell us in the experience and ability of our friend 
and companion. Our trip to Hong-Kong took us the better 
part of four days. I will not dwell upon the incidents of sea- 
life, because it was a calm, tranquil journey ; but if my readers 
will permit me I will take advantage of our voyage to resume 
the summary of my conversations with General Grant. We 
were talking one evening of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of 

"The first time I saw Mr. Stanton," said General Grant, 
" was in the West. I had come from Cairo, had reached Indian- 
apolis, changed cars for Louisville, and was just on the point 
of starting, when a messenrer informed me that Mr. Stanton 
and Governor Brough of Ohio had just arrived at the station 
from another direction. Mr. Stanton immediately joined me, 
and we went on to Louisville together. He gave me my new 
command, to take the army and relieve Rosecrans. Stanton 
beincr a little fatigued went to bed, while I went to the thea- 
ten As I was strolling back messengers began to hail me. 
Stanton was anxious to see me as something terrible had hap- 
pened. I hastened to the Secretary, not knowing what had 
taken place. On the way I reproached myself with having at- 
tended the theater, while there was no knowing what terrible 
things had happened in my absence. When I reached Stan- 
ton's room, I found the Secretary in his night garments in 
great distress. He had received a dispatch from the Assistant 
Secretary of War telling him that Rosecrans had given orders 
to his army to retreat, and that such a retreat would be disas- 
trous not only to that campaign but to the Union. I saw the 
situation at once, and wrote several dispatches. My first was 
a dispatch to General Rosecrans relieving him of his command 
and taking command of the army myself My second dispatch 
was to General Thomas, directing him to take command of the 
army until I reached head-quarters, and also ordering General 
Thomas to hold his position at any and all hazards against any 
force. A reply came from General Thomas that he would hold 
his position until he and his whole army starved. I hurried 
down to the front, and on my way at one of the stations met 


Rosccrans. He was very cheerful, and seemed as though a 
great weight had been lifted off his mind, and showed none of 
the feeling which might have been expected in meeting the 
general who had been directed to supersede him. I remember 
he was very fluent and eager in telling me what I should do 
when I reached the army. When I arrived at head-quarters, I 
found the army in a sad condition. The men were badly fed 
and badly clothed. We had no communications open for sup- 
plies. Cattle had to be driven a long way over the mountains, 
and were so thin when they came into the lines that the sol- 
diers used to call it ' beef dried on the hoof.' I opened com- 
munications with our supplies, or, as they called it, opened the 
'cracker lines.' Rosecrans's plan, which was checked before put 
in execution by my order, would have been most disastrous — 
nothing could have been more fatal. He would have lost his 
guns and his trains, and Bragg would have taken Nashville. 
By opening our lines, and feeding our men, and giving them 
good clothing, our army was put into good condition. Then, 
when Sherman reached me, I attacked Bragg, and out of that 
attack came Mission Ridge." 

I recall many conversations with General Grant, in reference 
to the various officers who held high commands in our war, and 
the surprising changes of fortune in the way of reputation. 
"There were a few officers," said the General, "when the war 
broke out, to whom we who had been in the army looked for 
success and high rank — among them Rosecrans, Buckner, 
McClellan, Stone, McDowell, Buell. I felt sure that each of 
these men would gain the highest commands. Rosecrans was 
a great disappointment to us all — to me especially. Stone's 
case was always a mystery, and I think a great wrong was 

" I knew Stone at school. I have always regarded him as 
very good, a very able and a perfectly loyal man, but a man 
who has had three or four severe and surprising reverses of 
fortune. After the arrest of Stone, and his treatment, his mil- 
itary career in our war was destroyed. I believe if Stone had 
had a chance he would have made his mark in the war. Mc- 



Dowell was also the victim of what I suppose we should call 
ill luck. You will remember people called him a drunkard 
and a traitor. Well, he never drank a drop of liquor in his 
life, and a more loyal man never lived. I have the greatest 
respect for McDowell's accomplishments and character, and I 
was glad to make him major-general. The country owed him 
that, if only as an atonement for its injustice toward him. But 
McDowell never was what you would call a popular man. He 

was never so in the army nor at West Point. Yet I could 
never understand it, for no one could know McDowell without 
liking him. His career is one of the surprising things in the 
war. So is Buell's. Buell does not like me, I am afraid, but I 
have always borne my testimony to his perfect loyalty and his 
ability. Buell is a man who would have carried out loyally 
every order he received, and I think he had genius enough for 
the highest commands ; but, somehow, he fell under a cloud. 

"The trouble with many of our generals in the beginning," 
said the General, " was that they did not believe in the war. 
VOL. n. — 19 


I mean they did not have that complete assurance hi success 
which belongs to good generalship. They had views about 
slavery, protecting rebel property, State rights — political views 
that interfered with their judgments. Now I do not mean to 
say they were disloyal. A soldier had as good a right to his 
opinions as any other citizen, and these men were as loyal as 
any men in the Union — would have died for the Union — but 
their opinions made them lukewarm, and many failures came 
from that. In some cases it was temperament. There is 
Warren, whose case may be regarded as a hard one. Warren 
had risen to one of the highest commands in tlie army, and was 
removed on the field of battle, and in the last battle of the war. 
Yet it could not be helped. Warren is a good soldier and a 
good man, trained in the art of war. But, as a general, if you 
gave him an order he would not act until he knew what the 
other corps would do. Instead of obeying — and knowing that 
the power which was guiding him would guide the others— he 
would hesitate and inquire, and want to debate. It was this 
quality which led to our disaster at the mine explosion before 
Petersburg. If Warren had obeyed orders we would have 
broken Lee's army in two and taken Petersburg. But when 
he should have been in the works he was worrj'ing over what 
other corps would do. So the chance was lost. I should have 
relieved Warren then, but I did not like to injure an officer of 
so high rank for what was an error of judgment. But at Five 
Forks it was different. There was no time to think of rank or 
persons' feelings, and I told Sheridan to relieve Warren if he 
at all failed him. Sheridan did so, and no one regretted the 
necessity more than I did. 

"So far as the war is concerned," said the General, "I 
think history will more than approve the places given to Sher- 
man and Sheridan. Sherman I have known for thirty-five 
years. During that time there never was but one cloud over 
our friendship, and that," said the General, laughing, " lasted 
about three weeks. When Sherman's book came out. General 
Boynton, the correspondent, printed some letters about it. In 
these Sherman was made to disparage his comrades, and to 


disparage me especially. I cannot tell you how much I was 
shocked. But there were the letters and'the extracts. I could 
not believe it in Sherman, the man whom I had always found 
so true and knightly, more anxious to honor others than win 
honor for himself. So I sent for the book and resolved to read 
it over, with paper and pencil, and make careful notes, and in 
justice to my comrades and myself prepare a reply. I do not 
think I ever ventured upon a more painful duty. I was some 
time about it. I was moving to Long Branch. I had official 
duties, and I am a slow reader. Then I missed the books 
when 1 reached the Branch, and had to send for them. So it 
was three weeks before I was through. During these weeks," 
replied the General laughing, " I did not see Sherman, and I 
am glad I did not. My mind was so set by Boynton's extracts 
that I should certainly have been cold to him. But when I fin- 
ished the book, I found that I approved every word ; that, 
apart from a few mistakes that any writer would make in so 
voluminous a work, it was a true book, an honorable book, 
creditable to Sherman, just to his companions — to myself par- 
ticularly so — just such a book as I expected Sherman would 
write. Then it was accurate, because Sherman keeps a diary, 
and he compiled the book from notes made at the time. Then 
he is a very accurate man. You cannot imagine how pleased 
I was, for my respect and affection for Sherman were so great 
that I look on these three weeks as among the most painful in 
my remembrance. I wrote Sherman my opinion of the book. 
I told him the only points I objected to were his criticisms upon 
some of our civil soldiers, like Logan and Blair. As a matter 
of fact, there were in the army no two men more loyaj than 
John A. Logan and Frank Blair. I knew that Sherman did 
not mean to disparage either of them, and that he wrote hastily. 
Logan did a great work for the Union in bringing Egypt out 
of the Confederacy, which he did; and he was an admirable 
soldier, and is, as he always has been, an honorable, true 
man — a perfectly just and fair man, whose record in the army 
was brilliant. Blair also did a work in the war entitling him 
to the gratitude of every Northern man and the respect of every 



soldier. Sherman did not do justice to Burnside ; Burnside's 
fine character has sustained him in the respect and esteem of 
all who knew him through the most surprising reverses of 
fortune. There was a mistake in Sherman's book as to the 
suggestion of the Fort Henry and Donelson campaign coming 


from Halleck. But these are mistakes natural to a larg-e 
book, which Sherman would be the last to commit and the first 
to correct. Taking Sherman's book as a whole it is a sound, 
true, .honest work, and a valuable contribution to the history of 
the war." 

The General told his story of the three weeks' cloud as 
though the recollection amused him. " Sherman," he said, " is 


not only a great soldier, but a great man. He is one of the 
very great men in our country's history. He is a many-sided 
man. He is an orator with few superiors. As a writer he is 
among the first. As a general I know of no man I would put 
above him. Above all, he has a fine character — so frank, so 
sincere, so outspoken, so genuine. There is not a false line in 
Sherman's character — nothing to regret. As a soldier, I know 
his value. I know what he was before Vicksbure. You see 
we had two lines to maintain. On one side was Pemberton, 
his army and his works. That I was watching. On our rear 
was Joe Johnston, who might come at any time and try and 
raise the siege. I set Sherman to keep that line and watch 
him. I never had a moment's care while Sherman was there. 
I don't think Sherman ever went to bed with his clothes off 
during that campaign, or allowed a night to pass without visit- 
ing his pickets in person. His industry was prodigious. He 
worked all the time, and with an enthusiasm, a patience, and a 
good humor that gave him great power with his army. There 
is no man living for whose character I have a higher respect 
than for that of Sherman. He is not only one of the best men 
living, but one of the greatest we have had in our history." 

Our conversation returned to the march of Sherman to the 
sea, and allusion was again made to the book of General 
Boynton. "The march to the sea," said the General, "is told in 
Sherman's book. Badeau's book will have it more in detail. 
This whole discussion, however, only shows how often history 
is warped and mischief made. Men who claim to be admirers 
of Sherman say that I am robbing him of his honors. Men 
who claim to be admirers of mine say that Sherman is robbing 
me. Then men like General Boynton, entirely honorable 
men, who have been in the war, and know about it, study out 
dispatches, and reach conclusions which appear sound, and are 
honestly expressed, but which are unsound in this, that they 
only know the dispatches, and nothing of conversations and 
other incidents that might have a material effect upon the 
truth. Between Sherman and myself there never can be any 
such discussion, nor could it be between any soldiers. The 



march to tlie sea was proposed by me in a letter to Halleck 
before I left the Western army ; my objective point was Mobile. 
It was not a sudden inspiration, but a logical move in the 
game. It was the next thing to be done, and the natural thing 
to be done. We had gone so far into the South that we had 

to go to the sea. We 
could not go anywhere 
else, for we were cer- 
tainly not going back. 
The details of the 
march, the conduct, the 
whole glory, belong 
to Sherman. I never 
thought much as to tlie 



origin of the idea, 
presume it grew up in 
the correspondence and 
conversations with Sher- 
man ; that it took shape 
as those things always 
do. Sherman is a man 
with so many resources, 
and a mind so fertile, 
that once an idea takes root it grows rapidly. My objec- 
tion to Sherman's plan at the time, and my objection now, was 
his leaving Hood's army in his rear. I always wanted the 
march to the sea, but at the same time I wanted Hood. If 
Hood had been an enterprising commander, he would have 
given us a great deal of trouble. Probably he was controlled 
from Richmond. As it was he did the very thing I wanted him 
to do. If I had been in Hood's place I would never have gone 
near Nashville. I would have gone to Louisville, and on north 
■until I came to Chicago. What was the use of his knocking 
his head against the stone walls of Nashville? If he had gone 
north, Thomas never would have causfht him. We should have 
had to raise new levies. I was never so anxious during the 
-war as at that time. I urged Thomas again and again to move. 


Finally I issued an order relieving- him, and not satisfied with 
that I started west to command his army, and find Hood. So 
long: 3-s Hood was loose the whole West was in daneer. When 
I reached Washington, I learned of the battle of Nashville. 
The order superseding Thomas was recalled, and I sent Thomas 
a dispatch of congratulation." 

This led to some talk about Thomas. The General said : 
" I yield to no one in my admiration of Thomas. He was a y 
fine character, all things considered — his relations with the 
South, his actual sympathies, and his fervent loyalty — one of 
the finest characters in the war. I was fond of him, and it was 
a severe trial for me even to think of removing him. I mention 
that fact to show the extent of my own anxiety about Sherman 
and Hood. But Thomas was an inert man. It was this slow- 
ness that led to the stories that he meant in the besfinning- to 
go with the South. When the war was coming, Thomas felt 
like a Virginian, and talked like one, and had all the sentiment 
then so prevalent about the rights of slavery and sovereign 
States and so on. But the more Thomas thought it over, the 
more he saw the crime of treason behind it all. And to a mind 
as honest as that of Thomas the crime of treason would soon 
appear. So by the time Thomas thought it all out, he was as 
passionate and angry in his love for the Union as any one. So 
he continued during the war. As a commander he was slow. 
We used to say laughingly, 'Thomas is too slow to move, and ^/' 
too brave to run away.' The success of his campaign will be 
his vindication even against my criticisms. That success, and 
all the fame that came with it belong to Thomas. When I 
wrote my final report at the close of the war I wrote fourteen 
or fifteen pages criticising Thomas, and explaining my reasons 
for removing so distinguished a commander. But I suppressed 
that part. I have it among my papers, and mean to destroy it. 
I do not want to write anything that might even be construed 
into a reflection upon Thomas. We differed about the Nash- 
ville campaign, but there could be no difference as to the effects 
of the battle. Thomas died suddenly — very suddenly. He 
was sitting in his office, I think at head-quarters, when he fell 



back unconscious. He never rallied. I remember Sherman 
coming into the White House in a state of deep emotion with 
a dispatch, saying, ' I am afraid old Tom is gone.' The news 
was a shock and a grief to us both. In an hour we learned of 
his death. The cause was fatty degeneration of the heart, if I 
remember. I have often thought that tliis disease, with him 
long-seated, may have led to the inertness which affected him 
as a commander. At West Point, when he was commanding 
cadets in cavalry drill, he would never go beyond a slow trot. 


Just as soon as the line began to move, and gain a little speed, 
Thomas would give the order, 'Slow trot.' The boys used to 
call him ' Slow Trot ' Thomas. I have no doubt, if the truth 
were known, the disease from which Thomas died demanded 
from him constant fortitude, and affected his actions in the field. 
Nothing would be more probable. Thomas is one of the great 
names of our history, one of the greatest heroes in our war, 
a rare and noble character, in every way worthy of his fame. 

" As for Sheridan," said General Grant, " I have only known 
him in the war. He joined my old regiment — the Fourth In- 



fantry — after I left it, and so I did not meet him. He is a much 
younger man than Sherman or myself. He graduated ten 
years after me at West Point. Consequently he was not in 
the Mexican War. The first time I remember seeing Sheridan 
was when he was a captain and acting quartermaster and com- 
missary at Halleck's head-quarters in the march to Corinth. 
He was then appointed to the colonelcy of a Michigan regi- 
ment. We afterward met at a railway station when he was 
moving his regiment to join Gordon Granger. I knew I had 
sent a regiment to join Granger, but had not indicated that of 
Sheridan, and really did not wish it to leave. I spoke to Sheri- 
dan, and he said he would rather go than stay, or some such 
answer, which was brusque and rough, and annoyed me. I 
don't think Sheridan could have said anything to have made a 
worse impression on me. But I watched his career, and saw 
liow much there was in him. So when I came East, and took 
command, I looked around for a cavalry commander. I was 
standing in front of the White House talking to Mr. Lincoln 
and General Halleck. I said, I wanted the best man I could 
find for the cavalry. 'Then,' said Halleck, ' why not take Phil 
Sheridan?' 'Well,' I said, ' I was just going to say Phil Sheri- 
dan.' So Sheridan was sent for, and he came, very much dis- 
gusted. He was just about to have a corps, and he did not 
know why we wanted him East, whether it was to discipline 
him," said the General laughing, " or not. But he came, and 
took the command, and came out of the war with a record that 
entitled him to his rank. As a soldier, as a commander of 
troops, as a man capable of doing all that is possible with any 
number of men, there is no man living greater than Sheridan. 
He belongs to the very first rank of soldiers, not only of our 
country but of the world. I rank Sheridan with Napoleon and 
Frederick and the great commanders in history. No man ever 
had such a faculty of finding out things as Sheridan, of know- 
ing all about the enemy. He was always the best-informed 
man in his command as to the enemy. Then he had that mag- 
netic quality of swaying men which I wish I had — a rare quality 
in a general. I don't think any one can give Sheridan too high 



praise. When I made him lieutenant-general there was some 
criticism. Why not Thomas or Meade ? I have the utmost 
respect for those generals, no one has more ; but when the task 
of selection came, I could not put any man ahead of Sheridan. 
He ranked Thomas. He had waived his rank to Meade, and I 
did not think his magnanimity in waiving rank to Meade should 
operate against him when the time came for awarding the higher 
honors of the war. It was no desire on my part to withhold 
honor from Thomas or Meade, but to do justice to a man whom 

I regarded then, as I 
regard him now, not 
only as one of the 
great soldiers of Am- 
erica, but as one of 
the greatest soldiers 
of the world, worthy 
to stand in the very 
highest rank. 

" I have read," 
said the General, 
"what George 
Meade has written 
about his father, and 
his promotion in the 
army. His state- 
ments and citations 
are correct, but he 
makes a mistake in 
his inferences if he 
supposes that I could 
in any way reflect on 
his father. It was 
not my fault, nor General Meade's, that Sheridan was confirmed 
before him as major-general. I did all I could to have Meade 
appointed so as to antedate Sheridan. At the same time, 
when the permission of Sheridan was asked, he gave it in a 
handsome manner. When the nomination for lieutenant-gen- 




eral became necessary, I would have liked to appoint Meade. 
If there had been enough to go around, there were others I 
would have promoted with the greatest pleasure. But there 
was only one place, and Sheridan was the man who had earned 
the place. I never could have felt comfortable if I had pro- 
moted any one over Sheridan, and when the fact that Meade 
ranked him was advanced as a reason, I was bound to remem- 
ber the manner in which Sheridan had agreed to my wish that 
Meade should take from him a rank that the Senate had given 
him, and see that it did not count against him. Meade was 
certainly among the heroes of the war, and his name deserves 
all honor. I had a great fondness for him. No general ever 
was more earnest. As a commander in the field, he had only 
one fault — his temper. A battle always put him in a fury. He 
rasfed from the besfinnino- to the end. His own staff officers 
would dread to bring him a report of anything wrong. Meade's 
anger would overflow on the heads of his nearest and best 
friends. Under this harsh exterior Meade had a gentle, chiv- 
alrous heart, and was an accomplished soldier and gentleman. 
He served with me to the end of the war, and to my entire sat- 

"Another general resembling Meade," said the General, 
" very much was Sedgwick, especially in his loyalty. Sedg- 
wick was a soldier of the highest ability, and although he never 
hesitated to express his opinion as to the administration of the 
war, and was not in much sympathy with the politics of the 
government, he was perfectly loyal and devoted to the cause 
of the Union. Sedgwick and Meade were men so finely formed 
that if ordered to resign their generals' commissions, and take 
service as corporals, they would have fallen into the ranks with- 
out a murmur. Sedgwick's death was a great loss. I re- 
member when I was appointed to the command of the army 
of the Potomac, and superseded Meade, Meade came to me 
and said he wished to put his resignation in my hands. He 
did not, he said, wish me to feel that he was necessary to me, 
and if I had any other general I cared to have in his place, he 
would cheerfully take any work I gave him. I told him I had 


no reason to be dissatisfied with liis services, and that the coun- 
try shared that feeling. I told him I should be glad to have him 
command the army of the Potomac ; that I intended Sheridan for 
the cavalry, and Sherman for the Western armies ; and that 
beyond that I had no special preference for generals. From 
that time to the end of the war Meade and I got on perfectly 
well together. Sometimes he would have fits of despondency, 
or temper, which were trying. On one occasion he came to me 
in a great passion and resigned his command. Things were 
not suiting him — something had annoyed him. I soothed him, 
and talked him out of it; but the impression made on me was 
so marked that I resolved, should he repeat the offer of his 
resignation, to accept it. I am glad it never took that form. 

" I was very fond of McPherson," said the General, " and his 
death was a great affliction. He was on my staff, and there I 
learned his merit. He would have come out of the war, had he 
lived, with the highest rank. When I look for brave, noble 
characters in the war, men whom death has surrounded with 
romance, I see them in characters like McPherson, and not 
alone in the Southern armies. Meade has been criticised for 
not having destroyed Lee after Gettysburg, and the country 
seemed to share that disappointment after the battle. I have 
never thought it a fair criticism. Meade was new to his army, 
and did not feel it in his hand. If he could have fought Lee 
six months later, when he had the army in his hand, or if Sher- 
man or Sheridan had commanded at Gettysburg, I think Lee 
would have been destroyed. But if Meade made any mistake, 
if he did not satisfy the wishes of the country, who hoped for 
Lee's destruction, he made a mistake which any one would 
have made under the circumstances. He was new to the chief 
command. He did not know how the army felt toward him, 
and, having rolled back the tide of invasion, he felt that any 
further movement would be a risk. Hancock, also, is a fine 
soldier. At the time he was named major-general we were not 
very good friends, and my personal preferences were for Scho- 
field ; but I felt Hancock had earned the promotion, and gave 
his name to Stanton. He wrote me a beautiful letter on the 


subject, and our relations have always remained on the most 
cordial footing. I have great respect for Hancock as a man 
and a soldier. We had a good many men in the war who were 
buried in the staff and did not rise. There is Ingalls, for in- 
stance. Ingalls remained quartermaster of the army of the 
Potomac during all commands, and did a great work. Yet you 
never heard his name mentioned as a general. Ingalls in com- 
mand of troops would, in my opinion, have become a great and 
famous general. If the command of the army of the Potomac 
had ever become vacant, I would have griven it to Inealls. 
Horace Porter was lost in the staff. Like Ingalls, he was too 
useful to be spared. But, as a commander of troops. Porter 
would have risen, in my opinion, to a high command. Young 
Mackenzie, at the close of the war, was a promising soldier. 
He is an officer, I think, fitted for the highest commands. I 
have no doubt there are many others in the army, for we had 
really a fine army. These are names that occur in the hurry of 
conversation. You never can tell what makes a greneral. So 
many circumstances enter into success. Our war, and all wars, 
are surprises in that respect. But what saved us in the North 
was not generalship so much as the people. 

"There was no time in the war," said the General, "when 
it was more critical than after the battle of Five Forks, when 
Lee abandoned Richmond. It was President Lincoln's aim to 
end the whole business there. He was most anxious about the 
result. He desired to avoid another year's fighting, fearing 
the country would break down financially under the terrible 
strain on its resources. I know when we met it was a stand- 
ing topic of conversation. If Lee had escaped and joined John- 
son in North Carolina, or reached the mountains, it would have 
imposed upon us continued armament and expense. The entire 
expense of the government had reached the enormous cost of 
four millions of dollars a day. It was to put an end to this ex- 
pense that Lee's capture was necessary. It was, in fact, the end 
and aim of all our Richmond campaign — the destruction of Lee, 
and not merely the defeat of his army. Sheridan led the pursuit 
of Lee. He went after him almost with the force of volition, 



and the country owes him a great debt of gratitude for the 
manner in which he attacked that retreat. It was one of the 
incomparable things in the war. The army that pursued Lee 
was divided into three parts, under General Meade, General 
Ord, and General Sheridan. I was with Ord's command, and 
I remember one evening coming into camp after being all day 
on horseback. Our army was on hot foot after Lee. Just as 
I came into our lines, two soldiers in rebel uniform were brought 
in as prisoners. They said they wished to see the command- 
ing general. They proved to be Union soldiers from Sheri- 
dan's army dressed as rebels. They had come through the 
rebel lines to avoid a long detour. One of them took out of 

his mouth a quid of tobacco, 
in which was a small pellet of 
tin-foil. This, when opened, 
was found to contain a note 
from Sheridan to me, written 
on tissue-paper, saying that it 
was most important for the 
success of the movement then 
being made, that I should go 
at once to his head-quarters ; 
that Meade had given his part 
of the army orders to move in 
such a manner that Lee might 
break through and escape. I 
started off at once, taking a 
fresh horse, without waiting for a cup of coffee. Although 
Sheridan's head-quarters were not more than ten miles away, 
I had to make such a detour round the rebel lines that I rode 
at least thirty miles before reaching them. I remember being 
challenged by pickets, and sometimes I had great difficulty 
in getting through the lines. I remember picking my way 
through the sleeping soldiers, bivouacked in the ojDen field. 
I reached Sheridan about midnight. He was very anxious. 
He explained the position. Meade had given him orders 
to move on the right flank and cover Richmond. This Sher- 


A CRISIS. -,03 

idan thought would be to open the door for Lee to escape 
toward Johnson. Meade's fear was that by uncovering Rich- 
mond Lee would get into our rear and trouble our communica- 
tions. Sheridan's idea was to move on the left flank, swing 
between Lee and the road to Johnson, leave Richmond and our 
rear to take care of themselves, and press Lee and attack him 
wherever he could be found. Meade's view was that of an en- 
gineer, and no doubt there were reasons of high military ex- 
pediency in favor of his plan. His theory secured the safety 
of our army, the safety of Richmond, and all the triumphs of 
the campaign ; but at the same time it left the door open to 
Lee. My judgment coincided with Sheridan's. I felt we 
ought to find Lee, wherever he was, and strike him. The 
question was not the occupation of Richmond, but the destruc- 
tion of the army. I started to find Meade, who was not far off. 
He was ailing in bed. He was very cordial, and began talking 
about the next day's march and the route he had laid down. 
I listened, and then told him I did not approve of his march. 
I said I did not want Richmond so much as Lee ; tjiat Rich- 
mond was only a collection of houses, while Lee was an active 
force injuring the country, and that I thought we might take 
the risk. I took out my pencil and wrote out an order for the 
movement of the army, changing Meade's orders, and directing 
the whole force to have coffee at four o'clock and move on the 
left flank. When I handed it to Meade, I told him it was then 
very late and he had not much time to lose. He immediately 
went to work in the most loyal manner, and moved the army 
according to my instructions. Meade's loyalty and soldierly 
qualities were so high, that, whether he approved or disap- 
proved a movement, he made no difficulty about the perform- 
ance of his duty. His movement threw us between Lee and 
the Carolinas. The next morning when Meade's force came 
up Sheridan attacked Lee. This is known as the battle of 
Sailor's Creek. When I came on the field and found what a 
rout he had made of the Confederates, and that prisoners were 
coming in by shoals, I saw there was no more fighting left in 
that army, and that the responsibility of any further destruction 


of life must be upon their shoulders, not mine, and I resolved 
to write to Lee asking for his surrender. I did not enter Rich- 
mond because Mr. Lincoln had gone there, and there was no 
use, since Lee's paroles were made out, and the surrender made 
out. I went to Washington to stop supplies and retrench the 
expenses. I reached Washington on the evening of April the 
1 2th, and on the Friday succeeding Mr. Lincoln was killed. 

" I have always regretted the censure that unwittingly came 
upon Butler in that campaign, and my report was the cause. 
Lsaid that the General was 'bottled up,' and used the phrase 
without meaning to annoy the General, or give his enemies a 
weapon. I like Butler, and have always found him not only, 
as all the world knows, a man of great ability, but a patriotic 
man, and a man of courage, honor, and sincere conviction.s. 
Butler lacked the technical experience of a military education, 
and it is very possible to be a man of high parts and not be a 
great general. Butler as a general was full of enterprise and 
resources, and a brave man. If I had given him two corps 
commanders like Adelbert Ame.s, Mackenzie, Weitzel, or Terry, 
or a dozen I could mention, he would have made a fine cam- 
paign on the James, and helped materially in my plans. I have 
always been sorry I did not do so. Butler is a man it is a fash- 
ion to abuse, but he is a man who has done the country great 
service, and who is worthy of its gratitude. 

" Speaking of Rosecrans's army," said General Grant, "Sher- 
idan's command at the battle of Stone River was, from all I can 
hear about it, a wonderful bit of fighting. It showed what a 
great general can do even when in a subordinate command ; 
for I believe Sheridan in that battle saved Rosecrans's army. 

"Cold Harbor," said General Grant, "is, I think, the only 
battle I ever fought that I would not fight over again under 
the circumstances. I have always regretted also allowing Mc- 
Clemand to continue his attack on the works at Yicksburg. I 
received a message from him saying he had carried the works 
and wishing for reinforcements. I saw very plainly from where 
I stood that he had not carried them ; but on conferring with 
Sherman, who was near me, I came to the conclusion that I 



could not assume the contrary of a statement made by an 
officer high in command, and so allowed the reinforcements to 
go. The works were not carried, and many unnecessary lives 
were sacrificed. Such things are a part of the horrors of war. 
They belong to the category of mistakes which men necessarily 
see to have been mistakes after the event is over. 

"Among naval officers," said General Grant, "I have al- 
ways placed Porter in the highest rank. I believe Porter to 
be as great an admiral as Lord Nelson. Some of his achieve- 


ments during our war were wonderful. He was always ready 
for every emergency and for every responsibility. Porter is 
not popular at home, because he makes enemies and invites 
animosities that should never exist. In that way the country 
has never done him the justice that history, I think, will do him. 
He has undoubted courage and genius. It would have been 
a great thing for Porter," said the General laughing, " if he 
had never been able to read or write." 

There was another question as to the poetic effect of such 
a battle as that of Lookout Mountain, the battle above the 

VOL. II. — 20 



clouds. " The battle of Lookout Mountain is one of the ro- 
mances of the war. There was no such battle, and no action 
even worthy to be called a battle on Lookout Mountain. It is 
all poetry." 

This statement, when published in the New York Herald, 
led to a wide and in some respects an angry discussion. I 
asked General Grant, who happened to be in Paris when this 
discussion was raging, whether he cared to make any further 
statement. He said that he had nothing to add, but that the 
whole story was told by Mr. Shanks in a letter to T/ic Tributie. 

Some remark was made about councils of war, and how far 
their deliberations affected an army's movements. " I never 
held a council of war in my life. I never heard of Sherman or 
Sheridan doing so. Of course I heard all that every one had 
to say, and in head-quarters there is an interesting and constant 
stream of talk. But I always made up my mind to act, and the 
first that even my staff knew of any movement was when I 
wrote it out in rough and gave it to be copied off It is always 
safe in war to keep your own counsel. No man living ever 
knew what my plans and campaigns would be until they were 
matured. My orders were generally written in my own hand- 
writing. I never even told General Rawlins until they were 
given to him to be copied out. I was always talking and con- 
ferring with generals, and hearing what one would say and 
another. But the decision was always my own. 

"The country," said General Grant, "was not in as bad a 
condition after the war as we all, and especially Mr. Lincoln, 
feared. There was a curious rebound in values, I remember, 
in the item of mules alone. I thought our great army supplies 
would glut the market, and that we should have to part with 
them at a loss. But, on the contrary, although we threw the 
whole lot on the market, there was an instant rise in the value. 
Mules that cost us, under the contract price, one hundred and 
eighty-four dollars each, sold as high as two hundred and fifty 
dollars for the choicest. The melting of the army back among 
the people, and its utter effacement, was a memorable illustra- 
tion of the capacity of our people for self-government." 



I remember asking the General why he had not invested 
Richmond as he had invested Vicksburg, and starved out Lee. 
"Such a movement," said the General, "would have involved 
moving my army from the Rapidan to Lynchburg. I consid- 
ered the plan with great care before I made the Wilderness 
move. I thought of massing the army of the Potomac in 
movable columns, giving the men twelve days' rations, and 
throwing myself between Lee and his communications. If I had 
made this movement successfully — if I had been as fortunate 
as I was when I threw my army between Pemberton and Joe 
Johnston, the war would have been over a year sooner. I am 
not sure that it was not the best thing to have done; it cer- 
tainly was the plan I should have preferred. If I had failed, 
however, it would have been very serious for the country, and 
I did not dare the risk. What deterred me, however, was the 
fact that I was new to the army, did not have it in hand, and 
did not know what I could do with the generals or men. If it 
had been six months later, when I had the army in hand, and 
knew what a splendid army it was, and what officers and men 
were capable of doing, and I could have had Sherman and 
Sheridan to assist in the movement, I would not have hesitated 
for a moment. 

" I was reading the other day," said General Grant, "in one 
of the English papers a lament about the cruelty and severity 
shown by the Northern troops during the war. I was a good 
deal annoyed by the statement, because it was contrary to the 
truth. The Northern troops were never more cruel than the 
necessities of the war required. In that respect, I think, we 
can bear comparison with any army — the Germans when they 
took France, or the Southerners when they entered the North. 
At no time do I remember giving an order for the destruction 
of property, save when we occupied Jackson. Before leaving 
Jackson, Joe Johnston had given orders for the destruction of 
stores. I found a cotton -mill at work making goods for the 
Confederate army with the trade-mark C. S. A. on them. Here 
was an active mill providing goods for the enemy. I went in 
with Sherman, and when I saw what was going on, I said, ' I 



guess we shall have to burn this.' Before setting fire to the 
building, we gave the operatives, mostly girls, bundles of the 
made cloth, thinking it might be useful for domestic purposes. 
But we subsequently heard that the Confederates took this as 
government property, so that we might as well have burned this 
too. The Southerners never hesitated to burn if it suited their 
purpose. They burned Chambersburg, for instance, which was 
a most wanton piece of destruction. They put York under con- 
tribution, and the York people are paying interest on the amount 
to this day. They set fire to Richmond when their cause was 

gone irretrievably, and when 
every dollar fired was a dollar 
wantonly wasted. They set 
fire to Columbia. In fact, 
whenever our armies entered 
a town, it was very frequently 
their first duty to take care of 
Southern property which had 
been set fire to by Southern 
armies. Then the Southerners 
tried to burn New York, and 
made raids upon St. Alban's. 
In fact, I think our treatment 
of the South, and all the con- 
sequences, personal and other- 
wise, arising out of the Rebel- 
lion, was magnanimous. The 


only man ever hung for treason 
in the United States was John Brown, hanged by Virginia. 
Even in regard to the discipline of the army I do not think I 
ever approved of a death sentence, except for robbery and 
assault on the person by my soldiers while going through the 
enemy's country. Of course, if it had been necessary to resort 
to such severe measures, it would have been done. I told the 
inhabitants of Mississippi, when I was moving to Holly Springs, 
that if they allowed their sons and brothers to remain within 
my lines and receive protection, and then during the night 


sneak out and burn my bridges and shoot officers, I would 
desolate their country for forty miles around every place where 
it occurred. This put an end to bridge-burning. This was 
necessary, because I could not fight two armies — an army in 
front under military conditions, and a secret army hid behind 
every bush and fence." 

On the 30th of April, about four in the afternoon, the " Irra- 
waddy" entered the harbor of Hong-Kong. We there found 
that the American gun-boat " Ashuelot," the American mer- 
chantmen and the English vessels in the harbor had dressed 
ship. As soon as our ship came to anchor, Colonel John S. 
Mosby, the American consul at Hong-Kong, came on board 
and was heartily received by General Grant. Shordy after- 
wards the Hon. Chester Holcombe, acting Minister from the 
United States Government at Pekin, who had come from the 
Chinese capital to welcome General Grant, accompanied by 
Mr. Lincoln, the American consul at Canton, and Mr. Denny, 
the American consul at Tientsin, and various officials of 
the Chinese government came on board ; and at about four 
o'clock General Grant left the " Irrawaddy " to visit the 
"Ashuelot," Captain Perkins receiving the General on his 
arrival with a salute of twenty-one guns, the yards manned, and 
the national flag at the fore. The Chinese corvette " Nissing," 
Captain Kassama, also saluted the General while on board the 
" Ashuelot." The party remained a few minutes in conversa- 
tion with the officers, and returning to their launch, steamed 
slowly toward the Murray Pier. The landing was decorated, 
special prominence being given to the English and American 
flags. The landing steps were covered with evergreens, flags 
— American and English — shields, and a bamboo arch decor- 
ated with evergreens and flags. A guard of honor of the 27th 
Enniskillens was drawn up on the pier, and details of police 
lined the road from the landing to the Government House. 

As the General's boat came to the landing the Governor of 
Hong-Kong, Mr. J. Pope Hennessy, who wore the decoration 
of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, came down the 
steps and welcomed him to Hong-Kong. Entering the mat- 


shed the General and party were presented to the officials of 
the Hong-Kong government, Chinese citizens, British officers, 
and the prelates of the Catholic and Episcopal churches. After 
the ceremonies were over, the General entered a chair and was 
escorted to the house of the Governor, on a high bluff, over- 
looking the sea, one of the most attractive of the many magni- 
ficent residences built for the English officials in Asia. 

General Grant's stay in Hong-Kong was exceedingly pleas- 
ant. Governor Hennessy taking especial pains to entertain him. 
There were dinners and receptions, the first of which was a visit 
to Colonel Mosby, where General Grant received the Ameri- 
can shipmasters at the residence of the consul. On Friday the 
Governor took General Grant and party in his steam-launch 
and sailed around the beautiful harbor. On Saturday there was 
a state dinner at the Government House. Sunday was quietly 
spent. On the morning of the 5th of May we went on board 
the gun-boat " Ashuelot " to visit Canton. Admiral Patterson, 
commanding the American squadron, had telegraphed orders to 
Commander Perkins that as soon as General Grant came into 
Chinese waters he should place himself and vessel at his dis- 
posal. In addition to our party we had with us, on the visit 
to Canton, Mr. Holcombe and Judge Denny. 




■ HE trip to Canton was favored by fine weather, and 
was especially interesting to us because we were 
going into Chinese territory for the first time. 
Heretofore we had seen China only under British 
rule ; now we were to see it under its own government. Mr. 
Holcombe brought us word that the Chinese authorities in Pe- 
kin had given orders to treat General Grant with unusual dis- 
tinction. Our first welcome was at the Boguc forts. These 
forts guard the entrance to the narrow part of the river, and 
were the scenes of active fighting during the French and Eng- 
lish wars with China. As we approached the forts a line of 
Chinese gun-boats were drawn up, and on seeing the " Ashue- 
lot " with the American flag at the fore, which denoted the 
presence of the General on board, each boat fired the Chinese 
salute of three guns. The Chinese, by a refinement of civili- 
zation which it would be well for European nations to imitate, 
have decreed that the salute for all persons, no matter what 
rank, shall be three guns. This saves powder and heartburn- 
ings, and those irritating questions of rank and precedence 


312 CHINA. 

which are the grief of naval and diplomatic society. The 
" Ashuelot " returned these salutes, firing- three guns also, and 
a boat came alongside with mandarins in gala costume, who 
brought the cards of the Viceroy, the Tartar general command- 
ing the forces, and other dignitaries. Mr. Holcombe, who 
speaks Chinese, received these mandarins and presented them 
to General Grant, who thanked them for the welcome they 
brought from the Viceroy. A gun-boat was sent to escort us, 
and this vessel, bearing the American flag at the fore, out of 
compliment to the General, followed us all the way. At vari- 
ous points of the river — wherever there were forts — salutes 
were fired and troops were paraded. These lines of troops, 
with their flags — and nearly every other man in a Chinese 
army carries a flag — looked picturesque and theatrical as seen 
frjom our deck. Our hopes of reaching Canton before the sun 
went down were disappointed by the caprice of the tides, and 
we found ourselves wabbling around and caroming on the soft 
clay banks at a time when we hoped to have been in Canton. 
It was nine o'clock in the evening of May 5th before we saw 
the lights of the city. The Chinese gun-boats, as we came to 
an anchorage, burned blue lights and fired rockets. The land- 
ing was decorated with Chinese lanterns, and many of the 
junks in the river burned lights and displayed the American 
flag. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Scherze, French Consul, and other 
representatives of the European colony came on board to wel- 
come us and to express a disappointment that we had not ar- 
rived in time for a public reception. The whole town had been 
waiting at the landing most of the afternoon, and had now gone 
home to dinner. The General and party landed without any 
ceremony and went at once to the house of Mr. Lincoln, where 
there was a late dinner. Next morning salutes were exchanged 
between the "Asliuelot" and the Chinese gun-boat. The 
" Ashuelot " first saluted the Chinese flag and the port of Can- 
ton. To this the gun-boat answered, firing twenty-one guns 
as a compliment to us, and deviating from the Chinese rule. 
Then a salute of twenty-one guns was fired, in honor of the 
General, to which our vessel answered. This is noted as the 



first time that the Chinese ever fired twenty-one guns in honor 
of any one, and it was explained that the government did so as 
a special compliment to America. 

General Grant's visit to the Chinese empire had created a 
flutter among Chinese officials. No foreign barbarian of so 
high a rank had ever 
entered the Celestial 
Kingdom. Coming 
from America, a 
country which had 
generally been friend- 
ly to China, there 
were no resentments 
to indulge ; and as 
soon as the Viceroy 
heard of the Gen- 
eral's arrival in the 
foreign settlement he 
sent word to Consul 
Lincoln that he 
would receive the ex- 
President with spe- 
cial honors. The for- 
eign consuls live on 
a concession, an isl- 
and in the river, a 
pretty little suburb, 
green enough to be- 
long to Westchester 
County. The houses 
are large, the architecture suggestive of London. Here are 
shady lanes and gardens to remind you of home. From the 
island you pass into the Chinese city over a short, wide bridge, 
and, opening a gate, come at once into Canton. The Viceroy 
had intimated to Mr. Lincoln that it was his desire to close the 
houses in the city, and line the streets with troops on the oc- 
casion of General Grant's visit. This, he said, was the custom 


314 CHINA. 

when the Emperor of China went through a city, and he sup- 
posed that General Grant had been accustomed to the same 
attentions at home. General Grant said he preferred seeing 
the people, and would be better satisfied if no such orders 
were given. So the Viceroy issued a placard announcing to 
the people that the foreigner was coming, that he was to do 
the Viceroy honor, and the people must do him honor. Any 
Chinaman failing in this, or showing disrespect to General 
Grant and his party, would be punished with severity. Broad- 
sides were hawked about the city, giving the people the latest 
news about the movements of the visitors. I give a transla- 
tion of one of these extra bulletins : 

" We have just heard that the King of America, being on 
friendly terms with China, will leave America early in the third 
month, bringing with him a suite of officers, etc., all complete 
on board the ship. It is said that he is bringing a large num- 
ber of rare presents with him, and that he will be here in Can- 
ton about the 6th or 9th of May. He will land at the Tintsy 
Ferry, and will proceed to the Viceroy's palace by way of the 
South Gate, the Fantai's Ngamun and the Waning Street. 
Viceroy Lan has arranged that all the mandarins shall be there 
to meet him, and a full Court will be held. After a little 
friendly conversation he will leave the Viceroy's palace and 
visit the various objects of interest within and without the 
walls. He will then proceed to the Roman Catholic Cathedral 
to converse and pass the night. It is not stated what will then 
take place, but notice will be given." 

The hour of our visit to the Viceroy was two o'clock. For 
an hour or two before the time crowds of Chinamen gathered 
in the street in front of the Consulate, waiting for the proces- 
sion. When a member of our party appeared he became an 
object of curious wonder, and when an officer of the " Ashuelot " 
arrived the excitement of the Chinese crowd, standing under 
the trees and fanning themselves, increased ; for the officers 
came in their uniforms, and gold lace is an evidence of rank to 
the Chinese mind. The General sat on the piazza, talking to 
Mr. Borie, quite unrecognized by the assemblage, who refused 


to see any rank in a gray summer coat and a white hat. 
Shortly before two a Tartar ofificer arrived with a detachment 
of soldiers, who formed under the trees and kept the crowd 
back. Then came the chairs and the chair-bearers, for in 
Canton you must ride in chairs and be borne on the shoulders 
of men. Rank is shown by the color of the chair and the 
number of attendants. The General's chair was a stately affair. 
On the top was a silver globe. The color was green. The 
chair itself is almost as large as an old-fashioned watch-box, 
and is sheltered with green blinds. It swings on long bamboo 
poles and is borne by eight men. The eight men were scarcely 
necessary, but the chair of state is always surrounded. In ad- 
dition to the chair-bearers there was a small guard of unarmed 
soldiers, some ahead and others behind the chair, whose pres- 
ence gave dignity to the chair and its occupant. The principal 
business of this guard seems to be to howl. Shortly after two 
our procession started off, a single Tartar officer, riding a 
small gray pony, leading the way. Then came the howling 
guard, shouting to the people to behave themselves and show 
respect to the foreign barbarian. Then came the General, in 
evening dress and disappointing to the Chinese mind, who ex- 
pected to see him, as became the king of a barbarian country, 
blazing with diamonds and gaudy with feathers. Captain Per- 
kins and several ofificers of the " Ashuelot " accompanied us, 
which made the procession a long one, for a chair with its at- 
tendants takes up a good deal of space. Although my own 
chair, for instance, was not more than half-way down the line, I 
could see that the Tartar officer, as we turned into a shady lane 
and moved across the bridge, was a long way ahead. 

I have seen some extraordinary sights upon which I am 
fond of dwelling as a part of the pageantry of memory — the 
famous review at Munson's Hill, the night retreat from Bull 
Run, Philadelphia the night the news of Richmond's fall ar- 
rived, the funeral of Lincoln, the falling of the Column Ven- 
dome. Among these I place the spectacle of General Grant's 
entrance into Canton. The color, the surroundings, the barbaric 
pomp, the phases of an ancient civilization — so new, so strange. 



SO interesting — and beyond all this teeming city, alive with won- 
der and curiosity, giving this one day to see the foreigner, to 
look in awe upon the face of the American whose coming had 
been discussed in every bazaar and by every silk loom. As 
soon as we crossed the bridge and were carried down the stony, 

slanting path in- 
to the street the 
crowd began. It 
was not an Amer- 
ican or an Eng- 
lish crowd, swa)-- 
ing, eager, turbu- 
lent some at 
horse-play, some 
bonneting their 
neighbors, shout- 
ing snatches of 
song or chaffing 
])h rases, but a 
Chinese crowd, 
densely packed, 
silent, staring. 
At intervals of a 
hundred yards 
were guards of 
soldiers, some 
carrying spears 
shaped like a 
trident, others 
with staves or 
pikes, others the clumsy, old-fashioned gun. Then came groups 
of mandarins, their hats surmounted with the button which 
indicated their rank, holding fans, and as the General passed 
saluting him in Chinese fashion, raising both hands to the fore- 
head in supplicating attitude, holding them an instant and 
bringing them down with a rotatory gesture. Wherever the 
street was intersected with other streets the crowd became 



SO dense that additional troops were required to hold it in 
place, and at various points the Chinese salute of three 
guns was fired. The road to the viceregal pala;e was three 
miles, and as the pace of the coolie who carries your chair is a 
slow one, and especially slow on days of multitudes and pa- 
geantry, we were over an hour in our journey, and for this hour 
we journeyed through a sea of faces, a hushed and silent sea. 
It was estimated that there were two hundred thousand people 
who witnessed General Grant's visit to the Viceroy. I have a 
poor head for mathematical estimates, and like to take refuge 
in round numbers when making an arithmetical statement, and 
so far, therefore, as the mere number of human beings Is con- 
cerned, I prefer the opinions of others to my own. Two 
hundred thousand men, women, and children, you may take, 
therefore, as an estimate by one who saw and took part in the 
ceremony. But no massing together of figures, although you 
ascend into the hundreds of thousands, will give you an idea 
of the multitude. Our march was a slow one. There were 
frequent pauses. You leaned back in your chair, holding the 
crushed opera hat in your hand, fanning yourself with it, for 
the heat was oppressive, and there never seemed to have been 
a breeze in Canton. You felt for the poor coolies, who 
grunted and sweated under the load, and threw off their 
dripping garments only to excite your compassion as you 
saw the red ridges made by the bamboo poles on their shoul- 
ders. You studied the crmvd which glared upon you — 
glared with intense and curious eyes. You studied the 
strange faces that slowly rolled past you in review, so unlike 
the faces at home, with nothing of the varying expressions of 
home faces — smooth, tawny, with shaven head and dark, in- 
quiring eyes. Disraeli in one of his novels, I think it is " Tan- 
cred," speaks of the high type of face you see in the Asian 
races. I am content with our own homely and rugged beauty, 
and have seen faces in America and Europe that seemed to be 
as high in type and expression as any of God's creations. But 
the general impression of this Chinese multitude, of the thou- 
sands of faces that passed before us that steaming afternoon, 



was that of high intellectual quality. You miss the strength, 
the purpose, the rugged mastering (juality which strikes you in 
a throng of Germans or Englishmen. You miss the buoyant 
cheerfulness, sometimes rough and noisy, which marks a Euro- 
pean crowd. The repose was unnatural. Our mobs have life, 
animation, and a crowd in Trafalgar Square or Central Park 
will become picturesque and animated. In Canton the mob 
misrht have been statues as inanimate as the srilded statues in 
the Temple of the Five Hundred Gods. This repose, this 
silence, this wondering, inquiring gaze, without a touch of en- 
thusiasm, became almost painful. A rush, a scramble, a cheer, 
would have been a relief, but all was hushed and silent. 
There were faces you now and then picked out in the throng 
that were startling in their beauty. You rarely saw a bearded 
man, which gave the crowd an expression of effeminacy, as 
though it were pliant and yielding. The old men wore thin, 
white mustaches, and a straggling, draggling beard. There 
were a few women, and these mostly hard-featured. Occasion- 
ally you saw a young, maidenly face, hanging on, as it were, 
to the fringe of the crowd, in a shrinking attitude. Children 
crouched in corners, staring in an alarmed fashion, or dangling 
timidly and shyly from their parents' shoulders. The young 
men, especially those of rank, were handsome, and looked upon 
the barbarian with a supercilious air, contempt in their expres- 
sion, very much as our young men in New York would regard 
Sitting Bull or Red Cloud from a club window as the Indian 
chiefs went in procession along Fifth Avenue. As a matter 
of fact I suppose they looked upon General Grant and his 
party as some of us would regard Red Cloud and his braves. 
We were foreigners, outside barbarians, and if we came at all 
to a viceregal palace — if we were received with music and the 
firing of cannon, and the beating of drums — it was because the 
Viceroy was in a gracious mood and deigned to give the bar- 
barian a sight of imperial Chinese splendor. We are not the 
only people in the world who are proud of our country ; and in 
loyalty to country and race and religion, in absolute devotion 
to one's native land, in a belief that there is no other land 



worth mentioning, the Chinaman could give us lessons, as he 
could in many other things. And so you saw this curious, 
inquiring, contemptuous expression, and you inferred from 
some hurried observation and the ripple of mocking laughter 
which came with it that you were under criticism, that your 


black coat or white cravat or crushed opera hat — that your 
braided hat and embroidered shoulders were inspiring emotions 
like those which the plumes and paint of Sitting Bull would in- 
spire in the bosoms of cynical New Yorkers. 

As we passed some bazaars workmen were at their labors 
painting silk or lacquer work, or beating silver into odd shapes. 
They would not look at us, but went on with their brush and 



hammer as if the barbarian was not even now going in state 
past their doors and all Canton was out to see him. You 
rather respect the surly conservative with work to do who has 
not even a look for tlie barbarian who has come to the Celes- 
tial city. This is a changing world to him as to others, no 
doubt. Young men are giddy, not what they were in the good, 
old-fashioned times, and show their weakness by swarming the 
streets and dangling from roofs to see the show. There is 
no knowing what will become of Holy China if this spirit is 
not checked. Our friend, no doubt, has bitter memories of 
these men with the red beards, who come with smooth words 
and purses, and who have a way of staying and growing, and 
throwing root after root like the banyan tree, until they cover 
the land and eat its substance, and allow others none but a 
shaded, dwarfed existence. If China is to become as India, if 
barbarians are not to be driven out and utterly exterminated, 
but, on the contrary, welcomed with banners and music and 
guns, and the great ones of the city, even mandarins with but- 
tons of pink waiting at the gates to receive them, then he 
washes his hands of the business and plods away with his brush 
and hammer, and will not, that he is certain, be dragged to the 
sidewalk to grace tlie barbarian's holiday. But there are few 
conservatives in Canton, and every house as we pass it teems 
with life. So eager are the people to see us that available 
sites, windows and doors commanding the route, have been oc- 
cupied for hours and have been let for large sums. The spirit 
of the people is as a general thing courteous. Now and then 
some member of the party at one of our pauses would exchange 
a remark or a salute with the crowd in front of his chair, or 
pat a child on the head, or give it a coin, and there would be a 
sudden whiff of laughter or merriment — just what you would 
hear at a zoological garden on a holiday if a bear or elephant 
had performed some sudden freak. You could not get over 
the sensation that you were a show, a show of unusual novelty 
that had been brought at great expense from over the sea, and 
that the welcome you were receiving was the same kind of wel- 
come that a country town at home would give to Mr. Van Am- 


burgh or Mr. Barnum. But the guns boom in quick, angry 
fashion ; the crowds increase in density ; renewed Hues of 
soldiery stand in double lines, their guns at " present ;' the 
groups of mandarins ; the Viceroy's guard gathered under the 
trees, and the open road in which we are borne by the strug- 
gling, panting chair-bearers, all tell us that we are at our jour- 
ney's end, at the palace of the Viceroy. 

We descend from our chairs and enter the open reception 
room or audience chamber. The Viceroy, surrounded by all 
the great ofificers of his court, is waiting at the door. As Gen- 
eral Grant advances, accompanied by the consul, the Viceroy 
steps forward and meets him with a gesture of welcome, which 
to our barbarian eyes looks like a gesture of adoration. He 
wears the mandarin's hat and the pink button and flowing robes 
of silk, the breast and back embroidered a good deal like the 
sacrificial robes of an archbishop at high mass. The Viceroy is a 
Chinaman, and not of the governing Tartar race. He has a thin, 
somewhat worn face, and is over fifty years of age. His manner 
was the perfection of courtesy and cordiality. He said he knew 
how unworthy he was of a visit from one so great as General 
Grant, but that this unworthiness" only increased the honor. 
Then he presented the General to the members of his court. 

We observed that one of these officials was a Tartar een- 
eral. It is one of the memories of the Tartar conquest of China 
that the armies should be under Tartar chiefs, and it is noted 
as a rare thing that the Viceroy himself is a Chinaman and 
not of the conquering race. This Tartar general was a small, 
portly person, with a weary, worn face, and we were told that 
he had come from a chamber of sickness to welcome General 
Grant. Military care, the luxury of exalted station, opium, 
most probably, had had their way upon the commander-in- 
chief and made him prematurely old. After General Grant 
had been presented we were each of us in turn welcomed by 
the Viceroy and presented to his suite. Mr. Holcombe and 
the Chinese interpreter of the consul, a blue-button mandarin, 
who speaks admirable English, were our interpreters. The 
Viceroy was cordial to Mr. Borie, asking him many questions 

VOL. II. — 21 



about his journey, congratulating him upon his years, it being 
Chinese courtesy especially to salute age, and expressing his 
wonder that Mr. Borie should have taken so long a journey. 
During this interchange of compliments the reception-room 
was filled with retainers, mandarins, soldiers, aides, and the 
whole scene was one of curiosity and excitement. After civili- 
ties were exchanged, the party went into another room, where 
there were chairs and tables formed into a semicircle. At each 
chair was a small table with cups of tea. General Grant was 
led to the place of honor in the center, while the Viceroy, the 

Tartar general, and the other 
officials clustered in the corner. 
After some persuasion the Vice- 
roy was induced to sit beside 
General Grant. The conversa- 
tion was confined to compli- 
ments — compliments repeated 
in the various forms of Oriental 
etiquette, while we drank tea 
in Chinese fashion. The tea 
is served in two cups, one of 
which is placed over the other 
in such a manner that when 
you take up the cups you have 
a globe in your hands. The tea 
is plain, and as each particular 
cup has been brewed by itself 
— is, in fact, brewing while you 
are waiting — you have the leaves of the tea. You avoid the 
leaves by pushing the upper bowl down into the lower one, 
so as to leave a minute opening, and draw out the tea. Some 
of us drank the tea in orthodox home fashion ; but others, being 
sensitive to the reputation of barbarism, perhaps, managed the 
two bowls very much as though it were an experiment in jug- 
glery, and drank the tea like a mandarin. This ceremony over 
we were led into another room that opened on the garden. 
Here were guards, aides, and mandarins, and lines of soldiers. 



We found a large table spread, covered with dishes — eighty 
dishes in all. A part of a Chinese reception is entertainment, 
and ours was to be regal. We sat around the table and a 
cloud of attendants appeared, who with silver and ivory chop- 
sticks heaped our plates. Beside each plate were two chop- 
sticks and a knife and fork, so that we might eat our food as 
we pleased, in Chinese or European fashion. 

I tried to pay my hosts the compliment of using the chop- 
sticks. They are about the size of knitting-needles. The ser- 
vants twirled them all over the table, and picked up every 
variety of food with sure dexterity. I could do nothing with 
them. I never thought I had so large fingers as when I tried 
to carry a sweetmeat from one dish to another with chopsticks. 
The food was all sweetmeats, candied fruit, walnuts, almonds, 
ginger, cocoa-nuts, with cups of tea and wine. The Viceroy 
with his chopsticks helped the General. This is true Chinese 
courtesy, for the host to make himself the servant of his guest. 
Then came a service of wine — sweet champagne and sauterne 
— in which the Viceroy pledged us all, bowing to each guest as 
he drank. Then, again, came tea, which in China is the signal 
for departure, an intimation that your visit is over. The Vice- 
roy and party arose and led us to our chairs. Each one of us 
was severally and especially saluted as we entered our chairs, and, 
as we filed off under the trees, our coolies dana-lincv us on their 
shoulders, we left the Viceroy and his whole court, with rows of 
mandarins and far-extending lines of soldiers, in an attitude of 
devotion, hands held together toward the forehead and heads 
bent, the soldiers with arms presented. The music — real, bang- 
ing, gong-thumping Chinese music — broke out, twenty-one guns 
were fired, so close to us that the smoke obscured the view, and 
we plunged into the sea of life through which we had floated, and 
back again, through one of the most wonderful sights I have ever 
seen, back to our shady home in the American Consulate. It 
is interesting, as a contrast to this reception of General Grant, 
and as an evidence of the progress made by the Chinese in 
their treatment of foreigners, to recall the treatment extended 
by the authorities at Canton on the occasion of the visit of 



William H. Seward in 1870: "The United States consul, an- 
ticipating that Mr. Seward would esteem it an act of becoming 
courtesy to call on the Taou-tai of that province, addressed a 
note to that functionary. He remitted to the consul the fol- 
lowing well-argued and most conclusive answer : ' In answei' to 
your note stating that the Honorable William H. Seward, for- 
merly Secretary of State, having visited Pekin, and called at 
the Foreign Ofifice there, had arrived in Canton, and proposed 
to appoint a time to call, etc., I have to say that, considering 
his Honor Seward has laid aside his office, and therefore there 
can be no consulting on public business, and as the Foreign 
Office has sent no notice of his coming, it is not convenient for 
us to see and look each other in the face. Please inform his 
Honor Seward, the great officer, that it will be of no use to 
come to my office. This reply with my best compliments, my 
name and card.' " — W. H. Seward's Travels Around ike World, 
pp. 255, 256. 

There was so much ceremony during our stay in Canton 
that we scarcely had an opportunity of seeing the town. But 
we had many pleasant hours, notably those given to the shops. 
The General was doomed to remain at the Consulate to re- 
ceive official calls, and rather chafed under the burdens of that 
ceremony. Mr. Borie and Mrs. Grant, accompanied by the 
daughter of Mr. Lincoln, started out upon a visit of exploration 
among the dealers in silk and ivory. The Doctor and myself 
strolled about the streets with our interpreter. But this inter- 
preter was a wooden person, and disposed to march us into 
shops where cats and dogs were sold ; to the execution ground 
where Yeh, the famous old Viceroy who fought the F2nglish, 
was said to have cut off seventy thousand heads ; to the Tem- 
ple of Horrors, and other local shows. So we dismissed him, 
and found that there was nothing so interesting in Canton as 
Canton itself ; that all was so new that it was better to wander 
at will and pick our way back again to the European quarter. 
We had taken chairs, but the chairs were a burden, and the 
coolies dragged them after us until the rain came, and we were 
glad to take refuge in them. I can see how a stroll through 



Canton would grow in interest if only you were allowed to 
stroll. But somehow the corning of General Grant had upset the 
town, and our appearance in the streets was a signal for the 
people to come out of their shops and the boys to form in pro- 
cession and escort us. I have some idea of the sensation of 
Crazy Horse going down the Bowery followed by a train of 
ragamuffins from the Seventh Ward. The moment we appeared 
in a street a crowd swarmed, and if we went into a store the 
doors were at once blocked with a dense mob, starinsf and chat- 


tering and commenting on us with a freedom which it was well 
we could not understand. But you go around the stores and 
into the workshops in a free and easy manner and pull things 
about, and if you are not pleased you have only to say " Chin- 
chin " and leave. I saw nothing in our journey but courtesy — 
only curiosity, as far as we could make it — and yet we lost our- 
selves in the town and went where we pleased. The streets in 
Canton are narrow and dirty, averaging in width from four to 
six feet. On the occasion of our visit they had been cleaned ; 
but they were, even with the cleaning, in a condition that would 



have gratified a New York Tammany alderman in the days of the 
empire of Tweed. The streets are paved with long, narrow slabs 
of stone, with no sidewalks. Every house that we passed on our 
way was a bazaar, and consisted of one open door that led into 
a spacious room. In some of these there were spiral stairways 
that led to store-rooms or dwelling chambers. We formed some 
idea of the wealth of Canton, and of the wants of the country 
which it supplies, when we remembered how vast a trade these 
bazaars represented. In looking over a plan of the city 1 had 
been struck with the names of the streets, the poetical and de- 
votional spirit they expressed. There was no glorification of 
mere human kings, and you could almost fancy that you were 
reading of some allegorical city, like what Bunyan saw in his 
dream. There was Peace Street and the street of Benevolence 
and Love. Another, by some violent wrench of the imagina- 
tion, was the street of Refreshing Breezes. Some contented 
mind had given a name to the street of Early Bestowed Bless- 
ings. The paternal sentiment so sacred to the Chinaman, 
found expression in the street of One Hundred Grandsons and 
the street of One Thousand Grandsons. There was the street 
of a Thousand Beatitudes, which, let us pray, were enjoyed by 
its founder. There were streets consecrated to Everlasting 
Love, to a Thousandfold Peace, to Ninefold Brightness, to 
Accumulated Blessings, while a practical soul, who knew the 
value of advertising, named his avenue the Market of Golden 
Profits. Chinese mythology gave the names of the Ascending 
Dragons, the Saluting Dragon, and the Reposing Dragon. 
Other streets are named after trades and avocations, and it 
is noticeable that in Canton, as in modern towns, the work- 
ers in various callings cluster together. There is Betel-nut 
Street, where you can buy the betel-nut, of which we saw so 
much in Siam, and the cocoa-nut, and drink tea. There is 
where the Chinese hats are sold, and where you can buy 
the finery of a mandarin for a dollar or two. There is 
Eyeglass Street, where the compass is sold, and if you choose 
to buy a compass there is no harm in remembering that we 
owe the invention of that subtle instrument to China. Another 


Street is given to the manufacture of bows and arrows, another 
to Prussian blue, a third to the preparation of furs. The stores 
have signs in Chinese characters, gold letters on a red or black 
ground, which are hung in front, a foot or two from the wall, 
and droop before you as you pass under them, producing a 
peculiar effect, as of an excess of ornamentation, like Paris on 
a fHc-da.y. The habit to which you are accustomed in Paris 
of giving the store a fanciful or poetic name prevails in Can- 
ton. One merchant calls his house Honest Gains. Another, 
more ambitious, names his house Great Gains. One satis- 
fied soul proclaims his store to be a Never-ending Success, 
while his neighbor's is Ten Thousand Times Successful. 
There is the store called Ever Enduring, and others adopt 
a spirit not common in trade by speaking of their shops as 
Heavenly Happiness, and By Heaven Made Prosperous. 
Others, more practical, signify by some image the nature of 
their trade, and over their stores you see representations of a 
shoe, a fan, a hat, a boot, a collar, and a pair of spectacles. 
One of the sights the Doctor and I visited was the Hall of the 
Five Hundred Disciples of Buddha. The street-boys that had 
been following us divined our intention, ran ahead, and knocked 
at the gates. We entered under a covered way to an open 
yard, the attendants and priests giving us welcome. We passed 
through granite cloisters and into the hall where there are five 
hundred and four statues of clay, gilded, to the memory of 
certain disciples of the Lord Buddha, famous in the religious 
history of China. There are images of Buddha, or rather of 
three Buddhas, one of the Emperor Kienlung, a highly be- 
loved monarch, whose image sits on the dragon throne. The 
other statues are of Buddhist disciples, whose names are given, 
each statue being as distinct from the others as the Apostle 
Peter from the Apostle Paul in Catholic religious decoration. 
Each of the figures has a special place in the affections of wor- 
shipers. Before some of them we noticed people in adora- 
tion or meditation or prayer. Before others we noticed gifts 
placed in propitiation or entreaty, after the fashion of Buddhist 
devotion. There was nothing striking in these statues except 



their individuality. Each was a type, a portrait, the represen- 
tation of some human type that had been in the artist's eye. 
I could understand how there could be a whole literature of 
theology based on images so diversified and peculiar, if one 
could only enter into the legends of the Chinese faith. Some 
of the statues were merry and laughing ; others were in tears. 
Some showed by their apparel wealth and high station ; others 
were in rags like mendicant friars. Some wore shoes, but the 
majority were shoeless. They were said, as disciples of Buddha, 
to have had various supernatural gifts — the power of subduing 
beasts, destroying reptiles, and, like the apostles in the Scrip- 
tures, the power of being able to speak in strange tongues 

without any previous 
"v.;^^^?W fflnklOlflJMB application. In this 

they resembled St. 
Francis Xavier, whose 
footsteps we crossed 
in India and Malacca, 
and who was blessed 
with this unique and 
convenient power. 

We strolled in 
and out among the 
shops as though our 
interest was a propri- 
etary one, always fol- 
lowed by a crowd. 
We looked at the 
temple in honor of virtuous women ; but woman does not hold 
a position in China high enough to warrant us in believing 
that there was any sincerity in this tribute. A virtuous woman 
is commended for her virtue in China by her husband very 
much as he would commend speed it a horse, not because it 
sanctifies woman, but because in adds to her value as a part 
of the husband's possessions. We stopped and looked at some 
workmen blowing glass. A glass vase in a rough state, about 
six feet high, was in the hands of the artificer, and although the 

pan-ttng-qua's garden, canton. 



pat of an infant would have ruined its beauty the workman 
handled it as surely as though it had been iron. The manufac- 
ture of glass is an important industry in Canton. But we found 
our greatest pleasure in looking at the porcelain and ceramic 
ware, infinite in variety and beautiful, and at the carved ivory 
and hard-wood. Canton excels in this and in crape and silk. 
Some of the shawls and scarfs were masterpieces of texture, and 
especially some which had been painted and embroidered. We 
looked at men beating gold-leaf, and threading our way into 
narrow streets and out-of-the-way places, found ourselves among 
the weavers of silk. The rooms in which the silk looms were 
in operation were small and dark. We noticed cotton-weavers 
who were at work in the open air. The looms were primitive, 
and seemed to have been built for affording employment to the 
largest number of laborers. What Chinese labor will not 
stand is cheap American labor-saving machinery ; and although 
attempts have been made to introduce it, which would enable 
the workman to treble the quantity of his work, and the farmer 
to hull and clean ten times the quantity of rice, the feeling is 
so strong amongst laborers as to forbid it. Laborers here, no 
matter in what calling, belong to guilds or trades-unions, and 
any attempt to enforce a new machine or a labor-saving method 
of labor is resisted. All the capital in the world could not in- 
duce the silk-weavers to introduce the Jacquard loom. What 
would then become of the nimble-fingered lad whose business 
it is to pull the strings and arrange the warp before the weaver 
propels the shuttle ? Even more interesting was the time we 
gave to artists in lacquer-work. Lacquer-work is so beautiful 
when finished, and in peace and glory at last on my lady's 
toilet-table, that it is not well to inquire too curiously into the 
process of its manufacture. Our artist friend sat over the del- 
icate work with his needle and brush and. his chalk powder. 
The powder enables him to shadow forth the design, which he 
paints in vermilion. Over this vermilion dust is rubbed, very 
much as gold and silver and bronze printing is done at home, 
and the picture comes out at length in silver or gold. Lacquer- 
work requires a trained hand, and as you saw the patience and 



skill bestowed upon his work by the artist, and knew what a 
trifle it would bring when sold, it was disheartening. But the 
first thing you learn in China — and the lesson is always present 
and always coming before you in a new shape — is the cheap- 
ness of human labor and the profusion of human life. This 
solemn and expanding question, which wise men must stand up 

and meet some 
day, comes 
upon you when 
you see the 
boat life in Can- 
ton. This boat 
life is a pleasant 
feature, and we 
found it attrac- 
t i V e coming 
and going, as 
I we did every 
o f -w a r , the 
" Ashuelot," to 
see the floating 
world about us, 
to see the flower 
boats, to hear 
the sound of 
music and sing- 
ing far into the 
night. These 
boats swarm 
along the river 

banks. They are called sampans, and are a large, clumsy boat, 
varying in length from ten to twenty feet. The center of the 
boat is arched over, and this forms kitchen, dining-room, and 
sleeping-room. The boats ply up and down the river, doing 
what odds and ends of work may fall to them. They cluster 
about our ship like bees around a flower garden. If you go to 



the gangway and make a signal a dozen will come hurrying 
and scuffling, and you can go on shore for ten cents. Once 
that you select a boat the proprietor attends you while you 
are in port, waits for you at the landing, at the vessel's side. 
The boats are in all cases — in all that I observed — managed by 
women and children. The men go on shore and work as labor- 
ers, and return to their homes at night. Their life is on their 
boats, and thousands — taking the whole Chinese coast I might 
easily say hundreds of thousands — of families spend their lives 
on these frail shells, and know no world beyond the move- 
ments of the tides and the dipping of the oars. Boat life 
illustrates the teeming population of China, an evil which some- 
times takes the form, I am told, of the sale of children, espe- 
cially female children. I have even heard of parents putting to 
death new-born daughters as a matter of domestic economy ; 
but I have not sought evidence on this subject, believing that 
human nature can be trusted even in China. One sad evil of 
this over-population is the exposure of female children in the 
streets to be sold for slavery, or for purposes worse than slavery. 
I have read a proclamation against infanticide which reads like 
a temperance lecture, an exhortation to the people not to in- 
dulge in the practice, which, while it cannot be called crimi- 
nal, is certainly dishonoring. " Heaven's retribution," accord- 
ing to the proclamation, " and the wraiths of the murdered 
children " will attend on the parents, and " thus not only fail 
to hasten the birth of a male child, but run a risk of making- 
victims of them by their behavior." 

As I have said, there was so much ceremony during Gen- 
eral Grant's visit to Canton, that he had scarcely any opportu- 
nity of seeing the town. There were Chinese calls to be 
returned, each Chinaman coming alone and with a retinue ex- 
pecting to be received in state. There was a purpose of see- 
ing the town by an excursion on the river in a launch, but this 
could not be carried out. There were two reasons why our 
visit to Canton was so hurried. The first was that we could 
not come to Canton without a great deal of ceremony, and the 
second was that we had an engagement in Hong-Kong. The 



call of the Chinese officials upon General Grant was a solemn 
ceremony. The Tartar general, Chang Tsein, said that he 
would come, and was to be at the Consulate at ten. Punctu- 
ality, however, is not an Oriental virtue, and ten o'clock had 
long passed, and we were sitting on the piazza looking out on 
the shipping" on the river when the beating of gongs gave the 
signal that the general was coming in state. I went out under 
the trees to see the procession, at the risk of exciting remark 
as to my curiosity from the crowd of Chinamen, chair-bearers, 
attendants, and others who were standing around waiting for 
the show. The visitor proved to be the Tartar general, and 

he came in the most solemn 
state. First came the gong- 
beaters, who beat a certain 
number of strokes in a rapid 
measure. By the number 
you know the rank of the 
great man. Then came sol- 
diers carrying banners on 
which were inscribed the 
names and titles of the com- 
mander. There was a mar- 
shal on a pony,who seemed to 
command the escort. There 
were soldiers carrying pikes 
and spears and banners. The 
profusion of banners, or, 
more properly, small silk pennants, gave the procession a pict- 
uresque aspect, and the waving, straggling line, as it came 
shambling along under the trees, was quaint. There were at- 
tendants carrying the pipes and teapots of the great man. Four 
coolies carried a load under which they staggered, and this, I 
was told, was food. It is the custom when a great man goes 
forth, to carry food and refresliment for himself and party, and 
to give as largess to friends on the way ; and although this gen- 
eral was only making a morning call, he showed honor to our 
party by coming in as much state as though he were journey- 



ing through the country. There were aides in cliairs, but 
the general rode in a green state chair, the blinds closely 
drawn. I noticed that there was no drill or discipline in 
the procession — no keeping step. It shuffled and straggled 
along, the gongs beating and the attendants shouting in 
chorus to clear the way and do honor to the great man they 
were escorting until the Consulate was reached. Then the 
soldiers and burden-bearers crowded under the trees, and the 
Tartar general's chair was borne to the piazza. He was met 
at the door by the consul and escorted into the parlor, where 
General Grant shook hands and gave him a seat. The attend- 
ants swarmed around the doors and the windows. I rather 
pitied the Tartar general, who looked tired and nervous, when 
I was told that his hour for rising was three o'clock in the 
afternoon, that he was not in the best of health, and that 
nothing but his desire to be civil to General Grant induced 
him to break through his habits. But his Excellency was 
chatty and ran into a long conversation, mainly about the age 
of General Grant and his own, the long distance between 
America and China, the extraordinary fact that the world was 
round, which no Chinaman really believes, and the singular 
circumstance that while we were sitting there looking at the 
trees and the shining sun, people at home were either in bed 
or thinking of going to bed. One of the party, for the purpose 
I presume of sustaining the conversation, said that in going 
around the world we lost a day, that it was three hundred and 
sixty-four days in the year going one way, and three hundred 
and sixty-six going another, to all of which the Tartar general 
listened with a polite but doubting interest. I do not believe 
that even the assurances of General Grant and his party could 
make a Chinaman believe that the world was round, and the 
reason why we kept on these vague themes of conversation 
was that there was no common ground oh which we could 
meet. In our intercourse with Chinamen we find how far 
apart are the two races— how few points of interest they have 
in common. General Grant ventured upon some questions 
as to the resources of the country, and learned that Pekin 



was much colder than Canton, that the Tartar general's home 
was in Pekin, that he had been so long in Canton that his 
health was affected, and he wanted to be recalled. This talk 
ran on for fifteen minutes, and tea was passed around in Chinese 
fashion, and the consul led the way to another room. Here 


were refreshments, mainly sweetmeats and wine. Ten minutes 
more were spent over the candies and cakes, and the Tartar 
general, filling his glass with champagne, drank our health. 
Then tea was served again, and the Tartar general arose, took 
his leave, and went off amid the beating of gongs, the waving 
of banners, and the cries of his retinue. 

The sounds of the gongs had scarcely died away when the 



sounds of other gongs announced the coming of the Viceroy, 
Lin Kwan Yu. He came in a little more state than the Tar- 
tar general, but the ceremonies of the reception were about the 
same. Then came other officials, all of whom had to be re- 
ceived, and given tea and sweetmeats and wine, so that the 
morning had gone before the last visit. At one o'clock there 
was a luncheon party, to which Mr. Lincoln invited the mem- 
bers of the American Mission. The American missionary 
work in Canton has been long established, and the ladies and 
gentlemen engaged in it seemed to be contented and liopeful. 
Among those present were Rev. D. A. P. Hopper and his 
family, Rev. Mr. Noyes and family. Rev. Mr. Henry and wife, 
Rev. Mr. Van Dyke and wife. Rev. Mr. Graves and wife. Miss 
Wilden and Dr. Kerr, Commander Perkins, and several of the 
officers of the " Ashuelot." Mr. Borie and some of the mem- 
bers of General Grant's party had broken away in the morning 
from the unending ceremonies, and were over in the Chinese 
city buying curiosities. Mr. Borie came back in time to shake 
hands with the missionaries, and converse with them on the 
progress of the Gospel in China. The luncheon party was 
pleasant, because there were no speeches, because it was pleas- 
ant to meet so many fellow-countrymen away from home en- 
gaged in the stupendous work of trying to bring China to 

It was at Canton that we had our first experience of a Chi- 
nese state banquet. The Viceroy had arranged for the dinner 
at six, and as it was a long journey to his palace, we were com- 
pelled to leave the Consulate at five. Those who went to 
the dinner were General Grant and his party, and Mr. Hol- 
combe, Mr. Lincoln, Judge Denny, Commander Perkins of the 
" Ashuelot," and Messrs. McEwen, Dearing, Fitzsimmons, and 
Case, naval officers of the same ship. Our journey to the din- 
ner was made in the same state as on the occasion of our call 
of ceremony. The hour was later, and it was pleasant to ride 
in the cool of the evening. There was the great crowd, the 
same ceremonies, the same parade, the same firing of guns, 
and — if anything — even more splendor than when we made 



our first visit. On arriving, the Viceroy, the Tartar general, 
and the splendidly-embroidered retinue were in waiting. We 
were shown into an audience chamber and given tea. The 
hall was illuminated, and the gardens were dazzling with light. 
After we had sipped the tea and exchanged compliments with 
our host, a signal was given by the ringing of silver chimes, 
and we marched in procession to the dining-hall. It was some- 
thing of a march, because in these Oriental palaces space is 

well considered, and if you dine in one house you sleep in 
another and bathe in a third. The dining-room was open on 
the gardens, apparently open on three sides. Around the open 
sides was a wall of servants, attendants, soldiers, mandarins, 
and if you looked beyond into the gardens, under the corrus- 
cating foliage, burdened with variegated lanterns, you saw 
crowds all staring in upon you. How much of this was curi- 
osity or how much ceremony I could not tell, but the scene 
reminded me of what I had read of the French court under the 
old regime, when the king and royal family dined in public, 


and it was among the recreations of a Versailles mob to go to 
the palace and see a most Christian king over his soup and 
wine. The sensation of being under observation always — of 
beino- stared at by hundreds, thousands of eyes — the thought 
of taking food in public like the animals in the zoological gar- 
dens, the consciousness that you are contributing to the infor- 
mation and amusement of the public — the menagerie or comedy 
feeling, if I may so call it — annoying at first, passes away, and 
in turn you regard the curious chattering throng which incloses 
your dining-hall as you would hangings in tapestry. 

I had always heard of a Chinese dinner as among the eccen- 
tric features of their civilization. I have never made up my 
mind as to whether, in so important a question as dining, and 
one which has so much to do with our happiness, we have any- 
thing to boast of. The time wasted, and the fair, blooming 
hopes wrecked in dinners might well be added to the startling 
catalogue of the calamities of civilization ; but in splendor and 
suggestions to the appetite, and appeals to a luxurious taste, 
the Chinese have surpassed us. I can imagine how a China- 
man might well call us barbarians as he passes from our heaped 
and incongruous tables to his own, where every course seems 
to have been marked out minutely with a purpose, and the 
dinner is a work of art as ingenious as the porcelain and bronze 
ware, over which you marvel as monuments of patience and 
skill. Our dining-room was, I have said, an open hall, looking 
out upon a garden. Our table was a series of tables forming 
three sides of a square. The sides of the tables that formed 
the interior of the square were not occupied. Here the ser- 
vants moved about. At each table were six persons, with the 
exception of the principal table, which was given up to General 
Grant, the Viceroy, the Tartar general, Mr. Borie, and Mr. 
Holcombe. Behind the Viceroy stood his interpreter and 
other personal servants. Attendants stood over the other 
tables with large peacock fans, which was a comfort, the night 
was so warm. The dinner was entirely Chinese, with the ex- 
ception of the knives, forks, and glasses. But in addition to 
the knives and forks we had chopsticks, with which some of the 

VOL. 11. 22 



party made interesting experiments in the way of searching out 
ragout and soup dishes. At each of the tables were one or 
two of our Chinese friends, and we were especially fortunate 
at having with us a Chinese officer who spoke English well, 
having learned it at the mission school. The dinner began 
with sweatmeats of mountain-cake and fruit-rolls. Apricot ker- 
nels and melon-seeds were served in small dishes. Then came 
eight courses, each served separately as follows : Ham with 
bamboo sprouts, smoked duck and cucumbers, pickled chicken 


and beans, red shrimps with leeks, spiced sausage with celery, 
fried tish with Hour sauce, chops with vegetables, and fish with 
fir-tree cones and sweet pickle. This course of meat was fol- 
lowed by one of peaches preserved in honey, after which there 
were fresh fruits, pears, pomegranates, coolie oranges, and 
mandarin oranges. Then came fruits dried in honey, chest- 
nuts, oranges, and crab-apples, with honey gold-cake. There 
were side dishes of water chestnuts and fresh thorn-apples, 
when the dinner took a serious turn, and we had bird's-nest 
soup and roast duck. This was followed by mushrooms and 



pigeons' eggs, after which we had sharks' fins and sea-crabs. 
Then, in order as I write them, the following dishes were 
served : Steamed cakes, ham pie, vermicelli, stewed sharks' fins, 
baked white pigeons, stewed chicken, lotus seeds, pea-soup, 
ham in honey, radish-cakes, date-cakes, a sucking pig served 
whole, a fat duck, ham, perch, meat pies, confectionery, the 
bellies of fat fish, roast mutton, pears in honey, soles of pigeons' 
feet, wild ducks, thorn-apple jelly, egg-balls, steamed white rolls, 
lotus-seed soup, fruit with vegetables, roast chicken, Mongolian 
mushrooms, sliced flag bulbs, fried egg-plant, salted shrimps, 
orange tarts, crystal-cakes, prune juice, bichc dc vicr, fresh ham 
with white sauce, fresh ham with red sauce, ham with squash, 
and almonds with bean curd. In all there were seventy courses. 
The custom in China is not to give you a bill of fare, over 
which you can meditate, and out of which, if the dinner has any 
resources whatever, compose a minor dinner of your own. A 
.servant comes to each table and lays down a slip of red tea- 
box paper inscribed with Chinese characters. This is the name 
of the dish. Each table was covered with dishes, which re- 
mained there during the dinner — dishes of everything except 
bread — -sweetmeats and cakes predominating. The courses are 
brought in bowls and set down in the middle of the table. 
Your Chinese friend, whose politeness is unvarying, always 
helps you before he helps himself. He dives his two chop- 
sticks into the smoking bowl and lugs out a savory morsel and 
drops it on your plate. Then he helps himself, frequently not 
troubling the plate, but eating directly from the bowl. If the 
dish is a dainty, sharks' fins or bird's-nest soup, all the Chinese 
go to work at the same bowl and with the same chopsticks, sil- 
ver and ivory, which are not changed during the entire dinner, 
but do service for fish and fowl and sweetmeats. Between 
each course were cigars or pipes. The high Chinamen had 
pipe-bearers with them, and as each course was ended they 
would take a whiff. But the cigars came as a relief to the 
smoking members of the party, for they could sit and look on 
and enjoy the spectacle, and have the opera sensation of look- 
ing at something new and strange. The cigars, too, were an 



excuse for not eating, and at a Chinese dinner an excuse for 
not eating is welcome. There is no reason in the world why 
you should not eat a Chinese dinner, except that you are not 
accustomed to it. You come to the table with a depraved ap- 
petite. Corn bread and pigs' feet and corned beef have done 
their work upon you, and a good dinner most probably means 
a mound of beef overspread with potatoes. Of course such a 
training unfits you for the niceties, the delicate touches of a 
Chinese dinner. Then I am sure you do not like sweetmeats. 
That is a taste belonging to earlier and happier days — to the 
days of innocence and hope, before you ever heard of truffles 
and champagne. You would rather fight a duel than eat one 
of those heaps of candied preparations which our Chinese 

friends gobble up like chil- 
dren. But there is where 
our Chinese friends, with 
their healthy child-bred 
tastes, have the advantage 
of us, and why it is that 
your incapacity to enjoy 
your dinner is the result of 
an appetite deadened by 

But whatever the rea- 
son, the fact is that a cigar 
is a blessing, and enables 
vou to turn your dinner into 
an entertainment, to look 
^ on and be yourself amused, 
- ' just as an hour ago you 
were amusing the crowd 
by the way in which you welcomed the bird's-nest soup. The 
one thing which gave the dinner a touch of poetry was the 
bird's-nest soup. The fact that the Chinese have found a 
soup in the nest of a bird is one of the achievements of their 
civilization. Take any school of half-grown children and ask 
them about the manners of the Chinese, and there is not an 




answer that will not include bird's-nest soup. So when our 
Chinese general told us, as he read the cabalistic letters on red 
tea-chest paper, that the next dish was to be bird's-nest soup, 
we awakened to it as to the realization of a new mystery. One 
of the disadvantages of getting on in life is that you have 
fewer and fewer sensations, that you know everything, that 
there is no awful, joyous, rapturous mystery to be made known. 
Life becomes recollections, and things are not in themselves 
good, but only better or worse than the same things as you 
have seen them before. But bird's-nest soup was new — none 
of us had ever seen it — and to come to China without eating 
bird's-nest soup would be like going to Philadelphia without 
eating terrapin — a wanton perfidious trifling with the compen- 
sations of life. The birds' nests come from Java, Borneo, and 
Sumatra, and are rare and dear. My China friend told me that 
the dish before us would cost fifteen or twenty dollars, that the 
bird's nest prepared for soup was worth its weight in silver. I 
was glad to know this, because I had been under the impression 
that the Americans were the only people who turned silver 
into their food, and it was a consolation to know that the oldest 
civilization in the world is as extravagant as the youngest." The 
nests are the work of a species of swallow. When the bowl 
came on the table it was as thick as a ragout, and our Chinese 
friends lugged out a mess of stringy, fibrous food, about the 
color and consistency of good old-fashioned vermicelli. The 
soup certainly does not justify its fame. There was nothing 
disagreeable about it ; it was simply tasteless. I could not 
detect a flavor or the suspicion of a flavor ; it was only a mess 
of not unpleasant glutinous food that needed seasoning. I can 
imagine how a French cook could take a bird's-nest soup and 
so arrange it that an epicure would relish it. But he might do 
the same with turnips or asparagus without paying their weight 
in silver. 

After we had learned the bird's-nest soup, and had, alas ! 
one mystery less to know in this developing world, we were 
attracted by sharks' fins. The fins of the shark are much prized 
in China. We only skirmished around this dish in a coy, inquir- 



ing manner, really not caring to go into it, but feeling that it 
would be an impropriety to come to a Chinese dinner and not 
taste sharks' fms. What would folks at home say about us? 
In this spirit — a spirit of duty, of doing something that had 
to be done, that was among other reasons why we were ten 
thousand miles from home on our way around the world — 
we went through our Chinese dinner. The dishes that we 
knew were so disguised that even when they made them- 
selves known they were beyond recognition. The dishes we 
did not know we experimented upon. We discovered that the 
bird's-ncst soup was insipid ; that sharks' fins were oily and 


rancid ; that fish brain was too rich ; that the preparations of 
whale sinews and bamboo and fish maw, mushrooms, and a 
whole family of the fungus species were repelling ; that the 
chipping of the ham and duck and pigeon into a kind of hash 
took away all the qualities that inspire respect for them at 
home, and that the fatal omission was bread. "If you go to a 
Chinese dinner," said a friend on shipboard, " be sure and take 
a loaf of bread in your pocket." I thought of this injunction 
as I was preparing to dine with the Viceroy, but had not the 
courage to go into a Chinese palace, like Benjamin Franklin, 
with a loaf of bread under my arm. If we had been dining we 
should have missed the bread ; but none of us went through 


the dinner, except the Doctor, perhaps, who viewed the enter- 
tainment from a professional point of view and went through it 
in a spirit of discovery. When the feast was about two-thirds 
over, the Viceroy, seeing that General Grant and Mr. Borie had 
gone beyond the possibility of dinner, proposed a walk in the 
garden. The remainder of the party waited until the dinner 
was over. It was a long and weary repast, once that the nov- 
elty passed away. 

It was about half-past ten when we returned to the audi- 
ence room and took leave of our hosts. The Viceroy said he 
would come down to the " Ashuelot " and see the General off. 
But the General said he was to sail at an early hour, and so 
said that lie would prefer not putting his Excellency to so 
great a trouble. Then the Viceroy said it was a custom in 
China to send some memento of friendship to friends ; that he 
was sorry he could not, without violation of Chinese etiquette, 
entertain Mrs. Grant, and he would like to send her a specimen 
of Cantonese work which might serve to remind her of Canton 
when she came to her own home beyond the seas. The Vice- 
roy also spoke of the pleasure and honor he had felt in receiv- 
ing General Grant, and said that his welcome in Canton would 
be repeated throughout China. In taking leave the Viceroy 
asked the General to be kind to his people in the United States ; 
" for you have," he said, " a hundred thousand Cantonese 
among you, and they are good people." Then we entered 
our chairs, and amid the firing of guns, music, the cries of 
attendants and the waving of lanterns, we returned. The 
journey home through the night was weird and strange. The 
party was preceded by torch-bearers, and every chair carried 
lanterns. At regular points on the route were attendants hold- 
ing torches and lanterns. The streets swung with lanterns, and 
the effect, the light, the narrow streets, the variety of decora- 
tion, the blended and varying colors, the doors massed with 
people, the dense and silent throng through which we passed, 
their yellow features made somber by the night — everything 
was new and strange and grotesque ; and when we crossed the 
river and came under the green trees and saw our boat in the 

344 CHINA. 

river and felt ourselves again among our own ways, it seemed 
that in the scenes through which we had passed the curtain had 
been lifted from a thousand years, and that we had been at 
some mediaeval feast of Oriental and barbaric splendor. 

Consul Lincoln also gave General Grant an entertainment 
in the shape of a state dinner, to which were invited the leading 
members of the foreign settlement to the number of forty. 
The house was dressed with wreaths and evergreens and Amer- 
ican flags. At the close of the dinner there was a display of 
fireworks. A bamboo scaffold, sixty feet high, had been built 
in front of the Consulate, and from this rockets and various 
forms of fireworks were displayed. The next morning we left 
Canton and our many kind friends, to sail down the river to 
visit the old Portuguese settlement of Macao. 

The following correspondence took place between the 
Viceroy of Canton and General Grant : 

"To His Excellency the Late President : It has been a high honor 
and a source of the deepest satisfaction to myself, the high provincial author- 
ities, and the gentry and people of Canton that your Excellency, whom we 
have so long desired to see, has been so good as to come among us. 

" Upon learning from you of your early departure, while I dare not interfere 
to delay you, I had hoped, in company with my associates, to present my 
humble respects at the moment of your leaving. I refrained from doing so in 
obedience to your command. 

" I have ventured to send a few trifles to your honored wife, which I hope 
she will be so kind as to accept. 

" I trust that you both will have a prosperous journey throughout all your 
way, and that you both may be granted many years and abundant good. 
Should I ever be honored by my sovereign with a mission abroad, it will be my 
most devout prayer and earnest desire that I may meet you again. 

" I respectfully wish you the fullness of peace. 


"United States Steamer 'Ashuelot,' ) 
NEAR Shanghai, China, May i6, 1879. \ 
" His Excellency the Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwanghai : 

" Dear Sir : Before leaving Hong-Kong for more extended visits through 
the Celestial Empire, I was placed in possession of your very welcome letter 
giving expression to the best wishes of your Excellency and of all the high 
officials in Canton for myself and mine. Since then it has been my good 


fortune to visit Swatow and Amoy, both, I understand, under your Excellency's 
government, and have received at each the same distinguished reception ac- 
corded at Canton. Myself and party will carry with us from China the most 
pleasant recollections of our visit to the country over which you preside, and 
of the hospitalities received at your hands. 

" Mrs. Grant desires to thank you especially for the beautiful specimens of 
Chinese work which you presented to her. With the best wishes of myself and 
party for your health, long life, and prosperity, and in hopes that we may meet 
again, I am, your friend, 

" U. S. GRANT." 





'E sailed down the river from Canton on the morning 
of the 9th of May, bound for Macao. Macao is a 
peninsula on the east coast of China, within five 
hours' sail of Hong-Kong, a distance of about forty 
In the days of Portuguese commercial greatness,- when 
Albuquerque was carrying the sword and St. Francis Xavier 
the cross through the East, Macao was picked up by Portu- 
guese adventurers, and added to the Indian possessions of 
Portugal. That empire has crumbled, has been taken by 
Englishman and Hollander. Macao remains as a remnant, a 
ruin of an empire that once bid fair to rule the continent of 
Asia. The town looks picturesque as you come to it from the 
sea, with that aspect of faded grandeur which adds to the 
beauty, if not to the interest and value, of a city. As the 




" Ashuelot " came around the point in view of Macao a sliglit 
sea was rolling, and a mist hung over the hills. As soon as 
our ship was made out from the shore the Portuguese battery 
flashed out a salute of twenty-one guns, to which the "Ashue- 
lot" responded. About five o'clock we came to an anchor, and 
the aide of the Governor came on board to say that the illness, 
and, we were sorry to hear, the serious illness, of the Governor 
prevented his doing any more than sending the most cordial 
welcome to Macao. The General landed and drove to a hotel. 
In the evening he strolled about, and in the morning visited 
the one sight which gives Macao a world-wide fame — the fjrotto 
of Camoens. 

Senhor Marques, the present owner, had built an arch over 
the entrance with the inscription, " Welcome to General Grant." 
The jjrounds surroundinof the crotto are beautiful and e.xten- 
sive, and for some time we walked past the bamboo, the pimen- 
to, the coffee, and other tropical trees and plants. Then we 
ascended to a bluff, and from the point we had a command- 
ing view of the town, the ocean, and the rocky coasts of 
China. The grotto of Camoens is inclosed with an iron railing, 
and a bust of the poet surmounts the spot where, according to 
tradition, he was wont to sit and muse and compose his im- 
mortal poems. General Grant inscribed his name in the visit- 
ors' book, and, accompanied by Senhor Marques, returned to 
the "Ashuelot," which at once steamed for Honfj-Konor. 

On the evening of our return to Honor-Kon"-, Governor 
Hennessy gave General Grant a banquet, and at the close 
delivered an address, proposing the health of General Grant. 
"It is now," said Governor Hennessy, "a matter of history 
that in both houses of the British Parliament there were foes 
and friends of freedom ; but we may recall with pride the fact 
that two men so diverse in person and disposition and party 
relations as John Bright and Benjamin Disraeli, were sagacious 
enough to know that the honor of their own country and wel- 
fare of the world were bound up in the cause for which Ulysses 
Grant was contending. Whilst Bright was repairing the blun- 
ders of one or two eminent men of the Liberal party, the great 



Conservative chief was, to my own personal knowledge, labor- 
ing night and day to counteract unreasoning prejudice amongst 
his own followers ; and it is ever to me a source of intense satis- 


faction that, though in a very humble way no doubt, I was one 
of those members of the House of Commons who loyally sup- 
ported his prudent and patriotic policy. But this is not the 
only personal reason that is present to my mind to-night. I 


am a citizen of Cork ; I come from that corner of the whole 
world nearest, and not least dear, to the United States; and 
on behalf of my fellow-citizens I now assure General Grant that 
in no part of the civilized globe would he have received a heart- 
ier welcome, if he had honored us with a visit, than in my 
native city." 

At the close of this address the band of the Thirty-seventh 
Regiment, which was in attendance, played " Hail Columbia." 
General Grant responded as follows : 

" Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am very grateful to you 
for your kind address, to which I would be happy to respond, but there is so 
much personal and Hattering to myself that I find it impossible. It is only a 
continuance of the kindness that I have received, not only in England, but in 
India, in the British colonies, wherever, in fact, I have met Englishmen. I have 
met nothing but courtesy, hospitality, good-will to myself and my country. 
As you have said, I am about to leave the British and pass into the Chinese 
empire. I have met no gentlemen so kind as the gentlemen of England. For 
their reception, more especially for the reception in Hong-Kong, I am grateful, 
and I do not know that I can say anything which is nearer to my heart, now that 
I am leaving the British empire, than to ask you all to unite in this sentiment : 
' The perpetual friendship and alliance of the two great English-speaking 
nations of the world — England and America.' " 

At the close of the dinner there was a reception, and the 
grounds of the Government House were illuminated. Sunday 
was spent quietly with Governor Hennessy, and on Monday 
morning General Grant took leave of his brilliant and hospita- 
ble host. Before leaving. Colonel Mosby, the consul, pre- 
sented a deputation of Chinese merchants, who delivered an 
address. After the reading of the address the General and his 
party, accompanied by the Governor and his party, took chairs 
and proceeded to Murray's Pier to embark for a cruise along 
the coast of China. Governor Hennessy took his leave of Gen- 
eral Grant on board the "Ashuelot," and as his Excellency left 
the vessel a salute of seventeen guns was fired, with the British 
flag at the fore. 

Our cruise along the coast of China was exceptionally pleas- 
ant, so far as the winds and the waves were concerned. There 
was a monsoon blowing, but it was just enough to help us along 



without disturbing the sea. Then it was a pleasure to come 
into cool latitudes. Ever since we left Naples we had been 
ficrhtinir the sun, and our four months' battle had beg^un to tell 
upon us all. It was a luxury once more to tread the deck and 
feel the cool breezes blowing from the north, to roll yourself 
in your blanket and lie upon deck, to take pleasure in rooting 
out of your trunks your warm clothing, and to realize that life 
was something: more than a Turkish bath. On the mornino-of 
the 28th of May we came to Swatow. Swatow is one of the 
treaty ports that were thrown open to the world under the 
treaty of Lord Elgin. The Chinese forts saluted and the ship- 

p i n g in the 
harbor dress- 
e d. C. C. 
Williams, our 
Agent, came 
on board to 
welcome the 
General, and 
in his com- 
pany we land- 
ed and spent 
an hour in 
threading the 

old Chinese town. The streets were narrow, and our way was 
rendered more difficult by a company or two of strolling play- 
ers, who had erected a kind of Punch and Judy show. The 
apparition of the foreigner, however, injured the show business, 
for the audience gave up the music and merry-making and fol- 
lowed us over the town. In the afternoon we bade farewell to 
our hosts and steamed out amid several salutes from the forts 
to Amoy. While in Swatow the Chinese Governor called in 
state, and said that he had orders from the government to pay 
all possible attentions to General Grant. It was the custom of 
the country in making these calls to bring an offering, and as 
nothing is more useful than food he had brought a live sheep, 


AAfO Y. , c J 

six live chickens, six ducks, and four hams. While the Gover- 
nor was in conference with the General the animals remained 
outside. There was nothing for the General to do but to ac- 
cept the homely offering- and present it to the servants. 

Amoy is another of the treaty ports open to foreign trade. 
It is on the island of Heamun, at the mouth of Dragon River. 
It was one of the ports visited by the Portuguese, and has 
practically been open to trade for three centuries. The island 
is about forty miles in circumference, and the scenery as we 
approached was picturesque. All the batteries fired, and there 
was a welcome from one of our own men-of-war, the " Ranger," 
commanded by Commander Boyd. N. C. Stevens, the Vice- 
Consul, came on board and welcomed us to Amoy. Here we 
met Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister to Pekin, who 
was on his way to the capital, and with whom the General 
had a long conversation about China. We went on board 
the " Ranger " to attend a reception. You can never tell 
what can be done with a man-of-war in the way of flags and 
lanterns and greenery. Certainly the " Ranger," under the 
inspiration of the officers, was transformed into a fairy scene, 
and nothing could have been more kind and hospitable than 
the captain and the officers. Mrs. Boyd assisted her husband 
in entertaining his guests. At seven o'clock, as the sun was 
going down, we took our leave of the brilliant gathering in 
the "Ranger" and steamed to Shanghai. 

While steaming along the Chinese coasts over the smooth, 
inviting seas, it was pleasant to resume the conversations with 
General Grant, the remembrance of which forms so pleasant a 
feature in our journey. " I am always indulgent," said the 
General one day, " in my opinions of the generals who did not 
succeed. There can be no greater mistake than to say that 
because generals failed in the field they lacked in high qualities. 
In the popular estimate of generals, nothing succeeds but suc- 
cess. I think in many cases — cases that I know — much hard- 
ship is done. Some of the men who were most unfortunate in 
our war are men in whom I have perfect confidence, whom I 
would not be afraid to trust with important commands. It is 



difficult to know what constitutes a great general. Some of 
our generals failed because they lost the confidence of the 
country in trying to win the confidence of politicians. Some 
of them failed, like Hooker at Chancellorsville, because when 
they won a victory they lost their heads, and did not know 
what to do with it. Some, like Franklin, because somehow they 
were never started right. Franklin was my classmate, a very 
good man, an able man, who would, I have always believed, 
have achieved qrreat results if he could have had a chance. 


Franklin was a man who should have had a high command in the 
beginning, and I think would have been equal to the responsi- 
bility. Some of our generals failed because they worked out 
everything by rule. They knew what Frederick did at one 
place, and Napoleon at another. They were always thinking 
about what Napoleon would do. Unfortunately for their plans, 
the rebels would be thinking about something else. I don't 
underrate the value of military knowledge, but if men make 
war in slavish observances of rules, they will fail. No rules will 
apply to conditions of war as different as those which exist in 


Europe and America. Consequently, while our generals were 
working out problems of an ideal character, problems that 
would have looked well on a blackboard, practical facts were 
neglected. To that extent I consider remembrances of old 
campaigns a disadvantage. Even Napoleon showed that, for 
my impression is that his first success came because he made 
war in his own way, and not in imitation of others. War is 
progressive, because all the instruments and elements of war 
are progressive. I do not believe in luck in war any more than 
in luck in business. Luck is a small matter, may affect a battle 
or a movement, but not a campaign or a career. A successful 
general needs health and youth and energy. I should not 
like to put a general in the field over fifty. When I was in the 
army I had a physique that could stand anything. Whether 
I slept on the ground or in a tent, whether I slept one hour or 
ten in the twenty-four, whether I had one meal or three, or 
none, made no difference. I could lie down and sleep in the 
rain without caring. But I was many years younger, and I 
could not hope to do that now. Sherman thinks he could go 
through a campaign, but I question it, although Sherman is in 
the best condition. The power to endure is an immense power, 
and naturally belongs to youth. The only eyes a general can 
trust are his own. He must be able to see and know the 
country, the streams, the passes, the hills. You look on a map 
and you see a pass in Switzerland. You know there is such a 
pass, but in a military sense you really know nothing about it. 
After you had ridden over a Swiss pass, your knowledge of all 
other passes would be good, and you could depend upon your 
maps. There is nothing ideal in war. The conditions of war 
in Europe and America are so unlike that there can be no com- 
parison. Compare the invasion of France by the Germans 
v/ith the invasion of the South. The Germans moved from 
town to town, every town being a base of supply. They had 
no bridges to build. They had no corduroy roads to make, 
and I question if a corduroy road was made in the whole cam- 
paign. I saw no reason for one in my journeys through France. 
I saw the finest roads in the world. The difficulties of a cam- 

VOL. 11. — 23 


paign in an open country, generally a wilderness like America, 
especially as compared with a highly civilized country like 
France, are incalculable." 

I recall many conversations with General Grant about those 
who took a high place in the civil administration of the war, and 
especially about Lincoln. Of Lincoln the General always 
speaks with reverence and esteem. " I never saw the Presi- 
dent," said the General, " until he gave me my commission as 
lieutenant-general. Afterwards I saw him often either in Wash- 
ington or at head-quarters. Lincoln, I may almost say, spent 
the last days of his life with me. I often recall those days. He 
came down to City Point in the last month of the war, and was 
with me all the time. He lived on a dispatch-boat in the river, 
but was always around head-quarters. He was a fine horseman, 
and rode my horse Cincinnati. We visited the different camps, 
and I did all I could to interest him. He was very anxious 
about the war closing ; was afraid we could not stand a new 
campaign, and wanted to be around when the crash came. I 
have no doubt that Lincoln will be the conspicuous figure of 
the war ; one of the great figures of history. He was a great 
man, a very great man. The more I saw of him, the more this 
impressed me. He was incontestably the greatest man I ever 
knew. What marked him especially was his sincerity, his kind- 
ness, his clear insight into affairs. Under all this he had a firm 
will, and a clear policy. People used to say that Seward swayed 
him, or Chase, or Stanton. This was a mistake. He might 
appear to go Seward's way one day, and Stanton's another, but 
all the time he was going his own course, and they with him. 
It was that gentle firmness in carrying out his own will, with- 
out apparent force or friction, that formed the basis of his char- 
acter. He was a wonderful talker and a teller of stories. It 
is said his stories were improper. I have heard of them, but 
I never heard Lincoln use an improper word or phrase. I have 
sometimes, when I hear his memory called in question, tried to 
recall such a thing, but cannot. I always found him pre-emi- 
nently a clean-minded man. I regard these stories as exaggera- 
tions. Lincoln's power of illustration, his humor, was inex- 



haustible. He had a story or an illustration for everything. 1 re- 
member as an instance when Stephens of Georgia came on the 
Jeff. Davis Peace Commission to City Point. Stephens did not 
weigh more than eighty pounds, and he wore an overcoat 
that m a d e 
him look like 
a man of 
two hundred 
pounds. As 
Lincoln and I 
came in, Ste- 
phens took 
off his coat. 
Lincoln said, 
after he had 
gone, 'I say. 
Grant, d i d 
y o u notice 
that coat 
Aleck Ste- 
phens wore?' 
I said yes. 
'Did you 
ever see,' 
said L i n - 
coin, ' such a 
small ear of 
corn in so 
big a shuck ?' 
These illus- 
trations were always occurring in his conversation. 

"The darkest day of my life," said the General, "was the 
day I heard of Lincoln's assassination. I did not know what 
it meant. Here was the rebellion put down in the field, and 
starting up in the gutters ; we had fought it as war, now we 
had to fight it as assassination. Lincoln was killed on the 
evening of the 14th of April. Lee surrendered on the 9th of 




April. I arrived in Washington on the 13th. I was busy send- 
ing out orders to stop recruiting, the purchase of supplies, and 
to muster out the army. Lincoln had promised to go to the 
theater, and wanted me to go with him. While I was with the 
President, a note came from Mrs. Grant saying she must leave 
Washington that nioht. She wanted to cjo to Burlinfrton to see 
our children. Some incident of a trifling nature had made her 
resolve to leave that evening. I was glad to have the note, as 
I did not want to go to the theater. So I made my excuse to 
Lincoln, and at the proper hour we started for the train. As 
we were driving along Pennsylvania Avenue, a horseman drove 
past us on a gallop, and back again around our carriage, look- 
ing into it. Mrs. Grant said, ' There is the man who sat near 
us at lunch to-day, with some other men, and tried to overhear 
our conversation. He was so rude that we left the dining- 
room. Here he is now riding after us.' I thought it was only 
curiosity, but learned afterward that the horseman was Booth. 
It seems I was to have been attacked, and Mrs. Grant's sudden 
resolve to leave deranged the plan. A {<t\M days later I received 
an anonymous letter from a man, saying he had been detailed 
to kill me, that he rode on my train as far as Havre de Grace, 
and as my car was locked he could not get in. He thanked God 
he had failed. I remember the conductor locked our car, but 
how true the letter was I cannot say. I learned of the assas- 
sination as I was passing through Philadelphia. I turned 
around, took a special train, and came on to Washington. It 
was the gloomiest day of my life." 

A question was asked as to whether Lincoln's presence was 
in connection with the army direction. " Not at all," said the 
General. " I merely told him what I had done, not what I 
meant to do. I was then making the movement by the left 
which ended in the surrender of Lee. When I returned to 
Washington, Lincoln said, 'General, I half suspected that move- 
ment of yours would end the business, and wanted to ask you, 
but did not like to.' Of course, I could not have told him, if he 
had asked me, because the one thing a general in command of 
an army does not know, is what the result of a battle is until 



it is fought. I never would have risked my reputation with 
Mr. Lincoln by any such prophecies. As a matter of fact, how- 
ever, my own mind was pretty clear as to what the effect of the 
movement would be. I was only waiting for Sheridan to finish 
his raid around Lee to make it. When Sheridan arrived from 
that raid, and came to my quarters, I asked him to take a walk. 
As we were walking, I took out his orders and gave them to 
him. They were orders to move on the left and attack Lee. 
If the movement succeeded, he was to advance. If it failed, he 
was to make his way into North Carolina and join Sherman. 
When Sheridan read this part, he was, as I saw, disappointed. 
His countenance fell. He had just made a long march, a severe 
march, and now the idea of 
another march into North Car- 
olina would disconcert any 
commander — even Sheridan. 
He, however, said nothing. I 
said : ' Sheridan, although I 
have provided for your retreat 
into North Carolina in the 
event of failure, I have no idea 
that you will fail, no idea that 
you will go to Carolina. I 
mean to end this business righj; 
here.' Sheridan's eyes lit up, 
and he said, with enthusiasm, 
' That's the talk. Let us end 
the business here.' But of 
course I had to think of the 
loyal North, and if we failed in striking Lee, it would have 
satisfied the North for Sheridan to go to the Carolinas. The 
movement, however, succeeded, and my next news from Sher- 
idan was the battle of Five Forks — one of the finest battles in 
the war. 

" I am always grateful," said the General, " that Mr. Lincoln 
spent the last, or almost the last days of his life with me. His 
coming was almost an accident. 


One of my people said one day> 



' Why don't you ask the President to come down and visit you ? ' 
I answered that the President was in command of the army, 
and could come when he wished. It was then hinted that the 
reason lie did not come was that there had been so much talk 
about his interference with generals in the field that he felt deli- 
cate about appearing at head-quarters. I at once telegraphed 
Mr. Lincoln that it would give me the greatest pleasure to see 
him, and to have him see the army. He came at once. .He 
was really most anxious to see the army, and be with it in its 
final struggle. It was an immense relief to him to be away 
from Washington. He remained at my head-quarters until Rich- 
mond was taken. He entered Richmond, and I went after 

Another character about whom the General often spoke is 
Stanton, the Secretary of War under Lincoln. " Stanton's repu- 
tation," he said, on one occasion, "rests a good deal on his 
quarrel with President Johnson, and in this his character is 
treated unjustly. Stanton's relations with Johnson were the 
natural result of Johnson's desire to change the politics of the 
administration, and Stanton's belief that such a change would 
be disastrous to the Union. Of course a man of Stanton's 
temper, so believing, would be in a condition of passionate an- 
ger. He believed that Johnson was Jefferson Davis in another 
form, and he used his position in the Cabinet like a picket hold- 
ing his position on the line ; but if Johnson had desired to re- 
move Stanton he would have done so. So far as the difference 
of opinion between the President and the Secretary of War is 
concerned, the responsibility is placed on the President. The 
Constitution is such that Johnson was right and Stanton was 
wrong ; and this clinging to office by Stanton has injured him 
in the eyes of the country. We were all under deep feeling at 
that time. It tried the patience of the most patient man to see 
all the results of the war deliberately laid at the feet of the 
South by the man we trusted. Stanton was not a patient man, 
but one whose temper had been tried by severe labor, and 
whose love for the Union was volcanic in its fierceness. If peo- 
ple would only remember the privation under which Stanton 



acted they would do him more justice. I confess, however, I 
should not have Hked to have been in Johnson's place. Stanton 
required a man like Lincoln to manage him. I should not have 
liked to have had that responsibility. At the same time Stanton 
is one of the great men of the Republic. He was as much a 
martyr to the Union as Sedgwick or McPherson. I held him 
in great personal esteem, and his character in high honor. We 
never became very intimate ; but looking back on our inter- 
course I am gratified to think that every day that Stanton lived 
we grew better and better friends. After my election to the 
Presidency, one of Stanton's friends came to see me, and said 
the Secretary was in bad health, his fortune was limited, and 
he thought the Republican party of the country owed him a 
debt of gratitude. 1 asked him what he thought would be 
gratifying to Stanton. I was told a small mission to Italy, Bel- 
gium, or somewhere where the climate would be agreeable, 
would be grateful to his friends. I said I thought I could do 
for him much more than that, and that I had already resolved 
to make him Justice of the Supreme Court. A few days later 
the appointment was made. It was a great surprise to Stan- 
ton. His letter to me acknowledging it was beautiful and af- 
fectionate. He died within a few days of his appointment. I 
have always thought that the country could not do too much for 
Stanton and his family ; and after the father's death I did all I 
could for the son. I made him my personal attorney. The 
promising young man died, to my great regret, not long since. 
If I were asked to name the greatest men of the Republic, I 
certainly should include Stanton among them." 

Frequently our conversation would turn to home affairs and 
politics. On these questions the General always speaks with- 
out reserve. " I have never," he said, "shared the resentment 
felt by so many Republicans toward Mr. Hayes on the ground 
of his policy of conciliation. At the same time I never thought 
it would last, because it was all on one side. There is nothing 
more natural than that a President, new to his office, should 
enter upon a policy of conciliation. He wants to make every- 
body friendly, to have all the world happy, to be the central 



figure of a contented and prosperous commonwealth. That is 
what occurs to every President, it is an emotion natural to the 
office. I can understand how a kindly, patriotic man like Hayes 
would be charmed by the prospect. I was as anxious for such 
a policy as Mr. Hayes. There has never been a moment since 
Lee surrendered that I would not have gone more than half- 
way to meet the Southern people in a spirit of conciliation. But 
they have never responded to it. They have not forgotten the 

war. A few shrewd leaders like Mr. Lamar and others have 
talked conciliation; but any one who knows Mr. Lamar knows 
that he meant this for effect, and that at least he was as much in 
favor of the old regime as Jefferson Davis. The pacification of 
the South rests entirely with the South. I do not see what the 
North can do that has not been done, unless we surrender the 
results of the war. I am afraid there is a large party in the 
North who would do that now. I have feared even that our 
soldiers v^^ould begin to apologize for their part in the war. On 
that point what a grand speech General Sherman made in New 


York on a recent Decoration Day. I felt proud of Sherman 
for that speech. It was what a soldier and the general of an 
army should say. The radical trouble with the Southern lead- 
ers is, that instead of frankly acting with the Republicans in the 
North, they have held together, hoping by an alliance with the 
Democrats to control the government. I think Republicans 
should go as far as possible in conciliation, but not far enough 
to lose self-respect. Nor can any one who values the freedom 
of suffrage be satisfied with election results like those in the 
last canvass for the presidency. I have no doubt, for instance, 
that Mr. Hayes carried North Carolina, and that it was taken 
from him. No one old enough to read and write can doubt that 
the Republican party with anything like a fair vote would have 
carried, and perhaps did carry, Arkansas, Alabama, and Mis- 
sissippi. I never doubted that they carried Louisiana, South 
Carolina, and Florida. Whether it was wise or unwise to have 
given the negro suffrage, we have done so, and no one can 
look on satisfied and see it taken from him. The root of the 
whole difference lies in that. 

"The South," continued the General, "has been in many 
ways a disappointment to me. I hoped a great deal from the 
South, but these hopes have been wrecked. I hoped that 
Northern capital would pour into the South, that Northern 
influence and Northern energy would soon repair all that war 
had wasted. But that never came. Northern capitalists saw 
that they could not go South without leaving self-respect at 
home, and they remained home. The very terms of the invi- 
tations you see in all the Southern papers show that. The 
editors say they are glad to have Northern men provided they 
do not take part in politics. Why shouldn't they take part in 
politics? They are made citizens for that. So long as this 
spirit prevails there will be no general emigration of North- 
ern men to the South. I was disappointed, very much so. It 
would have been a sfreat thing- for the South if some of the 
streams of emifrration from New Enijland and the Middle States 
toward Iowa and Kansas had been diverted into the South. I 
hoped much from the poor white class. The war, I thought, 



would free them from a bondage in some respects even lower 
than slavery; it would revive their ambition ; they would learn, 
what we in the North know so well, that labor is a dignity, not 
a degradation, and assert themselves and become an active 
Union element. But they have been as much under the thumb 
of the slave-holder as before the war. Andrew Johnson, one 
of the ablest of the poor white class, tried to assert some inde- 
pendence ; but as soon as the slave-holders put their thumb 
upon him, even in the Presidency, he became their slave. It is 
very curious and very strange. I hoped for different results, 
and did all I could to bring them around, but it could not be 

" Looking back," said the General, "over the whole policy 
of reconstruction, it seems to me that the wisest thing would 
have been to have continued for some time the military rule. 
Sensible Southern men see now that there was no government 
so frugal, so just, and fair as what they had under our generals. 
That would have enabled the Southern people to pull them- 
selves together and repair material losses. As to depriving 
them, even for a time, of suffrage, that was our right as a con- 
queror, and it was a mild penalty for the stupendous crime of 
treason. Military rule would have been just to all, to the negro 
who wanted freedom, the white man who wanted protection, 
the Northern man who wanted Union. As State after State 
showed a willingness to come into the Union, not on their own 
terms but upon ours, I would have admitted them. This 
would have made universal suffrage unnecessary, and I think a 
mistake was made about suffrage. It was unjust to the negro 
to throw upon him the responsibilities of citizenship, and ex- 
pect him to be on even terms with his white neighbor. It was 
unjust to the North. In giving the South negro suffrage, we 
have given the old slave-holders forty votes in the electoral col- 
lege. They keep those votes, but disfranchise the negroes. 
That is one of the gravest mistakes in the policy of recon- 
struction. It looks like a political triumph for the South, but 
it is not. The Southern people have nothing to dread more 
than the political triumph of the men who led them into seces- 



•sion. That triumph was fatal to them in i860. It would be 
no less now. The trouble about military rule in the South 
was that our people did not like it. It was not in accordance 
with our institutions. I am clear now that it would have been 
better for the North to have postponed suffrage, reconstruction, 
State governments, for ten years, and held the South in a ter- 
ritorial condition. It was due to the North that the men who 
had made war upon us should be powerless in a political sense 
forever. It would have avoided the 
scandals of the State governments, 
saved money, and enabled the 
Northern merchants, farmers, and 
laboring men to reorganize society 
in the South. But we made our 
scheme, and must do what we can 
with it. Suffrao-e once eiven can 
never be taken away, and all that 
'remains for mj, now is to make 
good that gift by protecting those 
who have received it. 

" And yet," said the General, 
"if the Southern people would only 
put aside the madness of their 
leaders, they would see that they 
are richer now than before the 
war. We hear a constant wail 
from the oppressed South, but the wail comes only from 
politicians. The South is richer now than before the war. 
There has been a fall in the value of lands, but the whole coun- 
try has felt that. I do not count the value of the slaves, al- 
though I would not be surprised if the figures showed that the 
Southern people had earned more than the value of the slaves 
they lost. Money is not held in as few hands as before the 
war, but the people, per capita, are richer. And that, after, all is 
what we want to see in a republic. Take cotton alone. Before 
the war a crop of two and a half million or three million bales 
at six cents a pound was an immense result. Now we have 



crops of five millions of bales at ten cents a pound ! What a 
commentary that is upon the old story that the negro could 
only work under the lash ! Before the war the North sent the 
South pork, corn, iron, cloth — now the Southerners blast their 
own iron, raise their own pork, and make their own cloth. 
Many of these things they learned to do during the war, and 
now they feel the advantage of that stern education. Mr. Glad- 
stone, in his remarkable article on ' Kin beyond the Sea,' spoke 
with wonder of the recuperative powers of the country. What 
would he have said if he had known the full statistics ? Before 
the war the South sent its cotton to the North and to England. 
Now there are mills flourishing in the South, flourishing even 
under the depression which affects the cotton industry in the 
North. When I talk with New England cotton-spinners, they 
tell me of hard times and closing mills. When I talk to Gen- 
eral Toombs of Georgia, he tells me that his money invested 
in cotton-mills in the South returns him twenty-five per cent. 
All of this is natural, because labor is cheap in the South, the 
cotton grows there, and there is an unlimited supply of water- 
power. The growth of this cotton industry in the South must 
have an important effect on the commerce of the world. So 
with iron. The South is doing splendidly with iron, and I 
would not be surprised to see it compete with the established 
industries in older States. In rice and sugar I do not see any 
advance upon what was done before the war. But these crops 
are as large, I think, as before. In this you see the success of 
the negro as a laborer. He has steadily worked during all this 
time of excitement. While his old masters have been declaim- 
ing upon their misfortunes, their ruin, their oppression, he has 
given the South a material prosperity that it never knew before 
the war. What a comment you find in these facts upon the 
cant of the demagogues who keep the South in an endless broil 
over its miseries, bringing disgrace on our country by repudia- 
tion schemes, , while all the time it grows richer and richer. 
Since the war all this profit has been income, for during this 
time the people have not paid their State or local debts, and 
that has been to their gain. That is only temporary, however. 



In the end that will be a great loss. There is nothing that 
costs so much in the end as repudiation. 

"The most troublesome men in public life," said the Gen- 
eral, "are those over-righteous people who see no motives in 
other people's actions but evil motives, who believe all public 
life is corrupt, and nothing is well done unless they do it them- 
selves. They are narrow-headed men, their two eyes so close 
together that they can look out of the same gimlet-hole without 

On the morning of the 17th of May the " Ashuelot," under 
Commander Johnson — who had relieved Commander Perkins 
at Hong-Kong — came in sight of the Woosung forts, which fired 
twenty- one guns as a welcome. The Chinese gun-boats joined 
in the chorus, and the "Ashuelot" returned the salutes. There 
was so much cannonading and so much smoke that it seemed 
as if a naval battle were raging. As the smoke lifted, the 
American man-of-war " Monocacy " was seen steaming toward 
us, dressed from stem to stern. As she approached a salute 
was fired. We were a little bit ahead of the time appointed for 
our reception in Shanghai, and when the "Monocacy" came 
Avithin a cable's length both vessels came to an anchor. A boat 
came from the " Monocacy," carrying the committee of citizens 
who were to meet the General. Messrs. R. W. Little, F. B. 
Forbes, Helland, Purden, and Hiibbe. The committee was 
accompanied by Mr. D. W. Bailey, the American Consul-General 
for China, who presented the members to General Grant, and 
by Mrs. Little and Mrs. Holcombe, who came to meet Mrs. 
Grant. The committee lunched with the General, and about 
half-past one the "Ashuelot" slowly steamed up to the city. 
As we came in sight of the shipping the sight was very beauti- 
ful. The different men-of-war all fired salutes and manned 
yards, the merchantmen at anchor were dressed, and as the 
" Ashuelot " passed the crews cheered. The General stood on 
the quarter-deck and bowed his thanks. As we came to the 
spot selected for landing, the banks of the river were thronged 
with Chinamen. It is estimated that at least one hundred 
thousand lined the banks ; but fifjures are, after all, guesses, and 



fail to give you an idea of the vast, far-extending, patient, and 
silent multitude. It was Saturday afternoon, the holiday, and 
consequently every one could come, and every one did, in holi- 
day attire. One of the committee said to me, as we stood on 
the deck of the " Ashuelot " looking out upon the wonderful 

panorama of life and movement, that he supposed that every 
man, woman, and child in Shanghai who could come was on 
the river bank. The landing was in the French concession. 
A large " go down," or storehouse, had been decorated with 
flags, flowers, and greenery. This building was large enough 
to hold all the foreign residents in Shanghai, and long before 
the hour of landing every seat was occupied. At three o'clock 



the barge of the " Ashuelot" was manned, and the General and 
his party embarking, slowly pulled toward the shore, while the 
o^uns of the American man-of-war fired another salute. In a 
few minutes we reached the landing, which was covered with 
scarlet cloth. Mr. Little, Chairman of the Municipal Council, 
received the General and escorted him into the building, the 
audience rising and cheering. The Chinese Governor, accom- 
panied by a retinue of mandarins, was present. The band 
played " Hail Columbia," and when the music and the cheering 
ceased, Mr. Little read the address welcoming General Grant 
to Shanghai on behalf of the foreign community. The Gen- 
eral, speaking in a conversational tone, said : 

"Ladies and Gentlemen : I am very much obliged to you for the hearty 
welcome which you have paid me, and I must say that I have been a little 
surprised, and agreeably surprised. I have now been a short time in the country 
of which Shanghai forms so important a part in a commercial way, and I have 
seen much to interest me and much to instruct me. I wish I had known ten 
years ago what I have lately learned. I hope to carry back to my country a 
report of all I have seen in this part of the world, for it will be of interest and 
possibly of great use. I thank you again for the hearty welcome you have 
given me." 

At the close of the speech the General was escorted to his 
carriage. There was a guard of honor composed of sailors and 
marines from the American and French men-of-war, and a com- 
pany of volunteer rifles. Horses are not plentiful in Shanghai, 
and General Grant's carriage was drawn by a pair of Austra- 
lian horses, which, not having had a military experience, grew 
so impatient with the guns, the music, and the cheering that 
they became unmanageable, and the procession came to a halt. 
Lieutenant Cowles of the "Monocacy," who was in command of 
the escort, suggested a remedy. The horses were taken out, 
and the volunteer guard, taking hold of the carriage, drew it 
along the embankment to the Consulate, a distance of more 
than a mile. On arriving at the Consulate the General re- 
viewed the escort. The evening was spent quietly, the Gen- 
eral dining with Mr. Bailey and a few of the leading citizens 
of the settlement. On Sunday General Grant attended service 
in the cathedral. On Monday morning he visited a dairy farm 



and afterward made a few calls. In the evening he dined with 
Mr. Little, and after dinner went to the house of Mr. Cameron, 
the manager of the Hong-Kong and Shanghai Bank, to witness 
the torchlight procession and the illumination. The whole 
town had been agog all day preparing for the illumination, and 
as we strolled along the parade every house was in the hands 
of workmen and Chinese artists. There was a threat of bad 
weather, but as the sun went down the ominous winds went 
with it, and the evening was perfect for all the purposes of the 


display. The two occasions when Shanghai had exerted her- 
self to welcome and honor a guest, were on the visits of the 
Duke of Edinburgh and the Grand Duke Alexis. The display 
in honor of General Grant far surpassed these, and what made 
it so agreeable was the heartiness with which English, Ameri- 
cans, French, Germans, and Chinese all united. I had heard 
a good deal during the day of what Shanghai would do. But 
with the memory of xnz.ny fetes in many lands, fresh from the 
stupendous demonstration in Canton, I felt skeptical as to what 
a little European colony clinging to the fringe of the Chinese 
empire could really do in the way of a display. The dinner 



at Mr. Little's was over at half-past nine, and in company with 
Mr. Little and the General I drove along- the whole river front. 
The scene as we drove out into the open street was bewilder- 
ing in its beauty. Wherever you looked was a blaze of li(Tht 
and fire, of rockets careering in the air, of Roman lights and 
every variety of fire. The ships in the harbor were a blaze of 
color, and looked as if they were pieces of fireworks. The lines 
of the masts, the rigging, and the hulls were traced in flames. 
The "Monocacy" was very beautiful, every line from the bow 
to the topmast and anchor chain hung with Japanese lanterns. 
This graceful, blending mass of color thrown upon the black 
evening sky was majestic, and gave you an idea of a beauty in 
fire hitherto unknown to us. "Never before," says the morn- 
ing journal — for I prefer to take other authority than my own 
in recording this dazzling scene — " never before has there been 
such a blaze of gas and candles seen in Shanghai." The trees 
in full foliage gave a richer hue to the scenes, and they seemed, 
under the softening influence of tlie night and the fire, to be a 
])art of the fireworks. On the front of the club house was a 
ten-foot star in gas jets with the word " Welcome." There 
was the United States coat-of-arms, with the initials " U. S. G." 
flanked with the words "Soldier" and "Statesman." Russell 
& Co. had a ten-foot star, "Welcome to Grant," and in addi- 
tion there were two thousand Chinese lanterns crossing the 
whole building. At the Central Hotel was a six-foot St. 
George's star, with " U. S. G." At the F"rench a St. Georcre's 
star, with a sunburst on either side. The American Consulate 
was covered with lanterns arranged to form sentences : " Wash- 
ington, Lincoln, Grant — three immortal Americans ; " " Grant 
will win on this line if it takes all summer;" "The fame of 
Grant encircles the world; " "Grant — of the people, with the 
people, for the people." There was also a mammoth device in 
gas jets, fifty feet high, "Welcome, Grant — soldier, hero, states- 
man." The Japanese Consulate and the offices of the ship- 
ping company were covered with lanterns — four thousand — 
arranged in the most effective manner. The Astor House had 
this quotation from the General's speech in Hong-Kong, " The 

VOL. II, — 24 


perpetual alliance of the two great English-speaking nations of 
the world." The English Consulate had a multitude of lanterns 
and the word "Welcome" in a blazing gas jet. The Masonic 
Hall was a mass of light. At ten the General returned to 
the house of Mr. Cameron, and from there reviewed the fire- 
men's procession. Each engine was preceded by a band, which 
played American airs ; and it gave one a feeling of homesick- 
ness, and recalled the great days of trial and sacrifice, to hear 
the strains of " John Brown " and " Sherman's March through 
Georgia." After the procession passed and repassed there was 
a reception in Mr. Cameron's house. 

On the 20th of May General Grant dined with Mr. Pur- 
den, a dinner which had a sad interest to us all, because it 
was given as a farewell to our dear and honored companion 
Mr. Borie. Mr. Borie's health had been such that, acting 
under the best advice, he was resolved to leave General 
Grant, and, taking the steamer for Japan, to sail direct for 
home. At the close of the dinner General Grant proposed 
Mr. Borie's health in a brief and affectionate speech, saying 
how much pleasure he had received from Mr. Borie's society, 
how long he had known and honored him, and asking the ladies 
and gentlemen present to unite in wishing him a pleasant 
voyage home, and long life and happiness. The next morn- 
ing Mr. Borie sailed on the Japanese steamer, accompanied 
by Dr. Keating. There were o\\vtr fetes in Shanghai, "sing 
song " at the Chinese theater, a dinner with Mr. Wetmore, and 
a ball at the club. On the 12th, Chief Justice French gave a 
breakfast, and in the afternoon there was a garden party in the 
beautiful grounds of Mr. Forbes. There was some discussion 
as to whether we should go up the river to visit Hang-kow, but 
Mr. Holcombe was impatient for us to reach Pckin ; and so, 
after debate, and not without reluctance, it was resolved to 
steam direct for Tientsin, and the north. On the morning 
of the 24th of May, amid heavy rains and high seas — the first 
really bad weather we had since leaving Marseilles — we con- 
tinued our journey. 



T Tientsin we met the famous Viceroy, Li Hung 
Chang, the most eminent man in China, whom 
some admirers call the Bismarck of the East. Li 
Hung Chang, because of his services as commander 
of the army that suppressed the Taeping rebellion, has been 
advanced to the highest positions in the empire. He is a no- 
bleman of the rank of earl, Grand Secretary of State, guardian 
of the heir apparent, head of the War Office and of the Chi- 
nese armies, director of the coast defenses. He command of 
the province which guards the road to Pekin, the most honor- 
able viceroyalty in the empire. It shows the genius of the 
man that he, a Chinaman, should receive such honors from a 
Tartar dynasty, and even be the guardian of a Tartar emperor. 
It shows the wisdom and conciliatory spirit of the dynasty that 


,72 CHINA. 

they should raise a Chinaman to a position in which he is prac- 
tically custodian of th-e throne. 

The great Viceroy took an interest almost romantic in the 
coming of General Grant. He was of the same age as the 
General. They won their victories at the same time — the 
Southern rebellion ending in April, the Taeping rebellion in 
July, 1865. As the Viceroy said to a friend of mine, "Gen- 
eral Grant and I have suppressed the two greatest rebellions 
known in history." Those who have studied the Taeping re- 
bellion will not think that Li Hung Chang coupled himself 
with General Grant in a spirit of boasting, " How funny it 
is," he also said, " that I should be named Li, and General 
Grant's opponent should be called Lee." While General 
Grant was making his progress in India the Viceroy followed 
his movements and had all the narratives of the journey trans- 
lated. As soon as the General reached Hong-Kong, Judge 
Denny, our able and popular consul at Tientsin, conveyed a 
welcome from the Viceroy. When questions were raised as to 
the reception of the General in Tientsin the Viceroy ended the 
matter by declaring that no honor should be wanting to the 
General, and that he himself should be the first Chinaman to 
greet him in Tientsin and welcome him to the chief province 
of the empire. 

As the " Ashuelot " came into the Peiho River the forts fired 
twenty-one guns, and all the troops were paraded. A Chinese 
gun-boat was awaiting, bearing Judge Denny, our consul, and 
Mr. Dillon, French consul and Dean of the Consular Corps. 
As we came near Tientsin the scene was imposing. Wherever 
we passed a fort twenty-one guns were fired. All the junks 
and vessels were dressed in bunting. A fleet of Chinese gun- 
boats formed in line, and each vessel manned yards. The 
booming of the cannon, the waving of the flags, the manned 
yards, the multitude that lined the banks, the fleet of junks 
massed together and covered with curious lookers-on, the 
stately " Ashuelot," carrying the American flag at the fore, 
towering high above the slender Chinese vessels and answering 
salutes gun for gun, the noise, the smoke, the glitter of arms, 



the blending and waving of banners and flags which lined the 
forts and the rigging like a fringe — all combined to form one 
of the most vivid and imposing pageants of our journey. As 
we came near the landing the yacht of the Viceroy, carrying 
his flag, steamed toward us, and as soon as our anchor found 
its place, hauled alongside. First came two mandarins carry- 
ing the Viceroy's card. General Grant stood at the gangway, 
accompanied by the officers of the ship, and as the Viceroy 
stepped over the side of the " Ashuelot " the yards were 
manned and a salute 
was fired. Judge 
Denny, advancing, 
met the Viceroy and 
presented him to 
General Grant as 
the great soldier and 
statesman of China. 
The Viceroy pre- 
sented the members 
of his suite, and the 
General, taking his 
arm, led him to the 
upper deck, where 
the two generals sat 
in conversation for 
some time, while tea 
and cigars and wine 
were passed around 
in approved Chinese 

Li Hung Chang 
strikes you at first 
by his stature, which would be unusual in a European, and 
was especially notable among his Chinese attendants, over 
whom he towered. He has a keen eye, a large head, and 
wide forehead, and speaks with a quick, decisive manner. 
When he met the General he studied his face curiously, and 

A STKKlil hi ALL. 

_3 74 CHINA. 

seemed to show great pleasure, not merely the pleasure ex- 
pressed in mere courtesy, but sincere gratification. Between 
the General and the Viceroy friendly relations grew up, and 
while we were in Tientsin they saw a great deal of each other. 
The Viceroy said at the first meeting that he did not care merely 
to look at General Grant and make his formal acquaintance, 
but to know him well and talk with him. As the Viceroy is 
known to be among the advanced school of Chinese statesmen, 
not afraid of railways and telegraphs, and anxious to strengthen 
and develop China by all the agencies of outside civilization, 
the General found a ground upon which they could meet and 
talk. The subject so near to the Viceroy's heart is one about 
which few men living are better informed than General Grant. 
During his stay in China, wherever the General has met Chi- 
nese statesmen he has impressed upon them the necessity of 
developing their country, and of doing it themselves. No 
man has ever visited China who has had the opportunities of 
seeing Chinese statesmen accorded to the General, and he has 
used these opportunities to urge China to throw open her bar- 
riers, and be one in commerce and trade with the outer world. 

The General formed a high opinion of the Viceroy as a 
statesman of resolute and far-seeing character. This opinion 
was formed after many conversations — ofificial, ceremonial, and 
personal. The visit of the Viceroy to the General was returned 
next day in great pomp. There was a marine guard from the 
" Ashuelot." We went to the viceregal palace in the Viceroy!s 
yacht, and as we steamed up the river every foot of ground, 
every spot on the junks, was crowded with people. At the 
landing troops were drawn up. A chair lined with yellow silk, 
such a chair as is only used by the Emperor, was awaiting the 
General. As far as the eye could reach, the multitude stood 
expectant and gazing, and we went to the palace through a line 
of troops, who stood with arms at " Present." Amid the firing 
of guns and the beating of gongs our procession slowly marched 
to the palace door. The Viceroy, surrounded by his manda- 
rins and attendants, welcomed the General. 

A day or two later there was a ceremonial dinner given in a 



temple. When the dinner ended, Mr. Detring, Commissioner 
of Customs, on behalf of the Viceroy, arose and read this speech : 

" Gentlemen : It has given me great pleasure to welcome you as my guests 
to-day, more especially as you aid me in showing honor to the distinguished 
man who is now with us. General Grant's eminent talents as a soldier and a 
statesman, and his popularity while chief ruler of a great country are known to 
us all. I think it may be said of him now, as it was said of Washington a cen- 
tury ago, that he is ' first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
countrymen.' His fame, and the admiration and respect it excites, are not 
confined to his own country, as the events of his present tour around the world 
will prove, and China should not be thought unwilling to welcome such a visitor. 
I thank the General for the honor he has conferred upon me. I thank you all, 
gentlemen, for the pleasure you have given me to-day, and J now ask you to 
join me in drinking the health of General Grant, and wishing him increasing 
fame and prosperity." 

The Viceroy and all his guests arose and remained standing 
while Mr. Detring read this speech. At the close the Viceroy 
lifted a glass of wine, and bowing to the General drank the 
toast. General Grant then arose and said : 

"Your Excellency and Gentlemen of the Consular Corps : I am 
very much obliged to you for the welcome I have received in Tientsin, which 
is only a repetition of the kindness shown to me by the representatives of all 
nations since I came within the coasts of China. I am grateful to the Viceroy 
for the special consideration which I have received at his hands. His history 
as a soldier and statesman of the Chinese empire has been known to me, as it 
has been known to all at home who have followed Chinese affairs for a quarter 
of a century. I am glad to meet one who has done such great services to his 
country. My visit to China has been full of interest. I have learned a great 
deal of the civilization, the manners, the achievements, and the industry of the 
Chinese people, and I shall leave the country with feelings of friendship toward 
them and a desire that they may be brought into relations of the closest com- 
mercial alliance and intercourse with the other nations. I trust that the Vice- 
roy will some time find it in his power to visit my country, when I shall be 
proud to return, as far as I can, the hospitality I have received from him. 
Again thanking your Excellency for your reception, and you, gentlemen of the 
Consular Corps, for your kindness, I ask you to join with me in a toast to the 
prosperity of China and the health of the Viceroy." 

When this speech was ended there was tea, and then came 
cigars. The Viceroy had arranged for a photograph of the 



whole dinner party. So our portraits were taken in the room 
where we had dined. 

The progress of the foreign settlement of Tientsin is a fair 
indication of progress in China. The name " Tientsin " means 
" Heaven's Ford." The city lies at the junction of the Peiho 
River with the Grand Canal. It is the largest city in the prov- 
ince, next to Pekin, and commercially has more importance, 
because Pekin is simply a capital given over to ofificials and 
soldiers, while Tientsin is the depot for a large trade. The 
population of the Chinese town is estimated at half a million, 
although there are no statistics that can be depended upon. 

The port was opened in i860, under the treaty enforced by the 
British at the time of the campaign that culminated in the 
glorious and ever-memorable destruction of the Summer Pal- 
ace. At that time the only Europeans were the few mission- 
aries who lived in the Chinese town. We made a tour of the 
town in chairs, and nothing more dismal and dreary have we 
seen in China. The streets were covered with dust, the sun 
shone down upon hard, baked walls ; the sewers were open, 
and the air was laden with- odors that suggested pestilence and 
explained the dreadful outbreaks of typhus and small-pox with 
which the city is so often visited. One of the first sights that 
attracted me was the number of people whose faces were pitted 

TIENTSIN. -,~-j 

with small-pox. Mr. Holcombe informed me that small-pox had 
no terror for the Chinese, and that they did not believe it was 
contagious. In walking along the line of one of the Viceroy's 
regiments drawn up to receive the General, it seemed as if 
every other soldier's face bore marks of the disease. One visit 
to Tientsin, especially under the burning sun which has beamed 
upon us during our stay, was enough for observation and curi- 

The foreign settlement runs along the river. Streets have 
been laid out. Houses stand back in the orardens. Trees 
throw their shadow over the lanes. The houses are neat and 
tasteful, and the French Consulate is especially a striking build- 
ing. This, however, was built by the Chinese as an act of re- 
paration for the Tientsin massacre — one of the saddest events 
in the recent history of China. The American Consulate is a 
pleasant, modest little house, that stands in the center of a gar- 
den. The garden had been turned into a conservatory on the 
occasion of the General's visit, flowers in great profusion hav- 
ing been brought from all parts of the settlement. The whole 
settlement seemed to unite in doing honor to the General, and 
this hearty sympathy, in which every one joined, was among 
the most agreeable features of the General's visit to Tientsin. 
Even the captain of the British gun-boat showed his good-will 
by sending his crew and marines to act as a guard of honor at 
the house of the consul. There was nothing oppressive in the 
hospitality, as has been the case in so many places visited by 
the General. The French consul, Mr. Dillon, gave a dinner 
and a garden party at which all the inhabitants attended. The 
grounds were beautifully illuminated. One of the features of 
the dinner at the French consul's was the presence of the 
Viceroy. This was the first time the Viceroy had ever attended 
a dinner party at which Europeans were present with their 
wives. The only difference in the arrangement of the table 
was that the General escorted the Viceroy to the table, the 
ladies coming in after and sitting in a group on one side of the 
table. It was a quaint arrangement and not without its ad- 
vantages, and the Viceroy, notwithstanding he was breaking 



through customs as old as the civilization of China, and apt to 
bring down upon him the censure of conservatives and the dis- 
pleasure of the censors who sit in Pekin in judgment upon all 
ofificers of the empire, high and low, seemed to enjoy the feast. 
The fi'te at the French consul's was made brilliant by a 


display of fireworks, which gave us a new idea of what was 
possible in pyrotechny under the cunning hands of the China- 
man. There was also a display of jugglery, the Viceroy, the 
General, and the ladies of the party sitting on the balcony and 
watching the performers. I was told that the Viceroy had never 
even seen a Chinese juggler before, and he certainly seemed 
to be pleased with the show. There was nothing startling 



about the tricks, except that what was done was pure sleight of 
hand. There was no machinery, no screens and curtains and 
cupboards. All that the players required were a blanket and a 
fan. They stood on the lawn and performed their tricks, 
with the crowd all about them, drawing bowls full of water and 
dishes of soup and other cumbrous and clumsy articles from im- 
possible places. 

Our journey from Tientsin to Pekin was an experience in 
Chinese civilization. The direct distance from Tientsin to 
Pekin, as the crow flies, is eighty miles. By river it is one 
hundred and fifty miles. I have seen some curious rivers, but 
none so curious as the Peiho. It is a narrow, muddy stream, 
running through a low, alluvial country, bordered with crum- 
bling clay banks that break and fall into the water like the banks 
of the upper Missouri. Colonel Grant, who has had army ex- 
perience on the upper Missouri, notes the resemblance between 
the two rivers. The Peiho runs in all directions, varying in 
width from twenty to a hundred feet, in depth from six feet to 
ten inches. The soil is rich, and our journey was through 
green and smiling fields of rice and wheat. We were in home 
latitudes, and although the sun was warmer than we had found 
it at any point since leaving Saigon, it was a relief to look over 
green meadows and swaying fields of corn ; to see apple trees, 
and be able in the morning and evening to step ashore and 
stride away over the meadows. Now and then familiar or- 
chards, or clumps of trees that are called orchards, came upon 
the landscape to give it dignity, and near the trees clusters of 
small houses built of mud, baked and burned like the houses 
in Egypt, with this difference, that while the Egyptian houses 
are unroofed mud walls, with only room enough for the stones 
on which the corn is ground, and for the holes in which the 
family burrowed, these Chinese homes had pretensions to com- 
fort. There are severe winters on the Peiho, when the snow 
falls and the frost binds the earth, and cold, searching winds 
come all the way from Siberia. From December to March 
the ice locks up the river, and at no time of the year have you 
the gentle, gracious climate of the Nile. The absence of stone 



makes clay a necessary element in building. If there were 
roads in China stone could be brought from quarries. The 
ab.sence of roads prevents one section, like the Peiho, from en- 
joying advantages which nature has bestowed upon other sec- 
tions, like those, for instance, which border on Mongolia. The 
Chinaman has no world to draw from but the world immedi- 
ately around him, and all the resources of his empire beyond 
the reach of a day's journey are as far away as the resources of 
India or Japan. 

Steam has never disturbed the waters of the upper Peiho. 

The barbarian brings 
his huge engines as far 
as Tientsin, but even 
this is a serious effort, 
and there are few things 
a mariner would rather 
not do than make his 
way from the Taku 
forts at the mouth of 
the river to the Tient- 
s i n wharves. Our 
good and well-handled 
vessel, the " Ashuelot," 
made the trip, and it 
seemed to me that the 
only seamanship re- 
quired was patience 
tempered with resignation. The " Ashuelot " was built for 
Chinese waters, and is kept on the Chinese coast because she 
can run in and out of awkward corners like a living, useful 
creature. She reminds you of the web-footed gun-boats, of which 
Lincoln spoke in one of his homely war documents, amphibious 
craft, almost as useful on land as on water, and to be trusted 
in everything but a high sea. But the Peiho was too eccentric 
even for the " Ashuelot," and she came up the river caroming 
from bank to bank, bulging into the mud, scraping over bars, 
sometimes lying across the river from bank to bank like a bridge 



or a boom. Navigation under these circumstances is teasing. 
In this venerable land where people live and labor as their an- 
cestors did before the Christian era, where the boats go up and 
down the river as in the days of Confucius, where man in his 
own person accepts the lowest and severest forms of labor, 
taking the place of the steam-engine in your boats and of the 
horse in your wagons, you need no qualities so much as pa- 
tience and resignation. Everything is primitive. You see 
nothing that does not speak of the experience and repose of 
centuries. A skilled Chinaman could build a shallow boat, draw- 
ing a few inches of water, with a propelling wheel in the stern, 
and skurry up and down the river under steam. But when 
you think of the labor that would thus be extinguished, the 
thousands who live on the river, whose home is on the boats, 
who labor on the water from infancy to old age, who have 
tracked and splashed and waded through the shallow Peiho, as 
their fathers did before them, we see what a serious economi- 
cal problem is involved in steam navigation. As I remarked 
in Canton, there can be no successful labor-saving machinery 
in a country where man is so cheap. 

The question of how we should go to Pekin had been dis- 
cussed. You can eo on horseback, or in carts, or in boats. It 
is only a question of degree in discomfort, for there is no com- 
fort in China — none at least in travel. The quickest way of 
reaching Pekin from Tientsin is by horse. Horseback riding 
is the principal amusement in Tientsin, and you can find good 
horses with Chinese attendants at a reasonable rate. Mr. 
Holcombe went ahead in a cart, so as to prepare the legation 
for the reception of the General and party. The cart in China 
is the accustomed method of travel, although an attempt at 
luxury has been made in arranging a mule cart or litter. The 
litter seems to be a recollection of the Indian litter or palanquin. 
You creep into an oblong box, with a rest for the head should 
you care to lie down. This box is mounted on shafts, and you 
have a mule leading and another bringing up the rear. While 
reviewing our arrangements for the journey, Mr. Holcombe, 
who has seen nearly every form of adventure and travel in 



China, gave his preference to the mule litter. The horse was 
impossible for the ladies of the expedition. The carts em- 
bodied so many forms of discomfort that we were not brave 
enough to venture. They have no springs, and the roads worn 
and torn and gashed make travel a misery. There was no 
available method but the boats, and all day Judge Denny and 
other friends were busy in arranging the boats for the comfort 
of the General. In this labor the Judge was assisted by Mr. 
Hill, an old American resident of China, who knew the lan- 
guage, and who was so anxious to do honor to General Grant 
that he volunteered as quartermaster and admiral of the expe- 
dition. It would have been difficult to find a better quarter- 
master. There was no trouble, no care that he did not take 
to insure us a safe and easy road to Pekin. 

When our boats assembled they formed quite a fleet. They 
were moored near the " Ashuelot," and all the morning China- 
men were running backward and forward, carrying furniture 
and food. The party who visited Pekin were General Grant 
and Mrs. Grant ; Mrs. Holcombe, wife of the Acting American 
Minister ; Colonel Grant ; Lieutenant Belknap, Mr. Deering, 
and Mr. Case, officers of the "Ashuelot." Mr. Hill, as I have 
said, went along as quartermaster. Mr. Pethick, the accom- 
plished vice-consul of Tientsin, and one of the best Chinese 
scholars in our service, and the secretary of the Viceroy, an 
amiable young mandarin, who knew English enough to say 
" Good morning," were among our escorts. There were two 
small, shallow gun-boats, which seemed to have no guns, except 
muskets, who brought up our rear. The General's boat was 
what is called a mandarin's boat, a large, clumsy contrivance 
that looked, as it towered over the remainder of the fleet, like 
Noah's ark. It had been cleaned up and freshened, and was 
roomy. There were two bedrooms, a small dining-room, and 
in the stern what seemed to be a Chinese laundry house three 
stories high. It seemed alive with women and children, who 
were always peeping out of windows and portholes to see what 
new prank the barbarians were performing, and scampering 
away if gazed at. These were the families of the boatmen. 



who have no other home but the river. The other boats were 
small, plain shells, divided into two rooms and covered over. 
The rear of the boat was given to the boatmen, the front to the 
passengers. In this front room was a raised platform of plain 
pine boards, wide enough for two to sleep. There was room 
for a chair and a couple of tables. If the weather was pleasant 


we could open the sides by taking out the slats, and as we 
reclined on the bed look out on the scenery. But during the 
day it was too warm, and in addition to the sun there were 
streaming clouds of dust that covered everything. During the 
night it was cold enough for blankets, so that our boats were 
rarely or never open, and we burrowed away most of the time 
as though in a kennel or a cage. Each of the small boats had 



room for two persons. In the rear the cooking was done. 
The General had a special cooking boat, which brought up the 
rear, and when the hour for meals came was hauled alongside. 
We should have been under way at daybreak, and the Gen- 
eral was up at an early hour and anxious to be away. But the 
Chinese mind works slowly, and a visit to the General's boat — 
the flagship as we called it — showed that it would be noon 
before we could go. Judge Uenny had taken off his coat, and 
was trying to stimulate the Chinese mind by an example of 
western energy. But it was of no use. The Chinaman has 
his pace for every function and was not to be hurried. The 
day was oppressively, warm and the knowledge of the General's 
departure had brought a multitude of Chinamen to the water 
side. About noon the last biscuit had been stored, all the sails 
were hoisted, and the fleet moved away under the command of 
our quartermaster and admiral, Hill. The purpose was to 
pull through the wilderness of junks that crowd the river for 
miles, and wait the General above. An hour later the General 
went on board the Viceroy's private yacht and pushed up the 
river. A small steam launch from the " Ashuelot " led the 
way. The result of this was advantageous. If the General 
had gone in his own boat it would have taken him some time 
to thread his way through the junks. But a boat carrying the 
viceroyal flag has terror for the boatmen, who, as soon as they 
saw it coming, hastened to make room. A Chinese officer 
stood in the bow and encouraged them to this by loud cries 
and imprecations. Whenever there was any apathy, he would 
reach over with his bamboo pole and beat the sluggard over 
the shoulders. It was woe to any boatman who crossed our 
path, and only one or two ventured to do so, to their sore dis- 
comfort. We pushed through the wilderness of junks at full 
speed. We passed the bridge of boats and under the walls of 
the ruined cathedral destroyed in the Tientsin massacre of the 
Sisters of Charity. Here there was a pause, as we were pass- 
ing the house of the Viceroy, and etiquette demands that when 
one great mandarin passes the home of another he shall stop 
and send his card and make kind inquiries. So we stopped 



until Mr. Pethick carried the General's card to the viceregal 
house, and returned with the card and the compliments of the 

After taking our leave of the Viceroy we came into the 
open country, and found our fleet waiting under the immediate 
and vociferous command of Admiral Hill. The admiral was 
on the bank, wearing a straw hat and carrying a heavy stick, 
which he waved over the coolies and boatmen as he admonished 
them of their duties. The admiral had learned the great les- 
son of diplomacy in the East — terror — and it was difficult to 
imagine anything more improving to the Chinese mind than 
his aspect as he moved about with his stick. Boating on the 
Peiho is an original experience. Sometimes you depend upon 
the sail. When the sail is useless a rope is taken ashore and 
three or four coolies pull you along. If you get aground, as 
you are apt to do every few minutes, the coolies splash into 
the water and push you off the mud by sheer force of loins and 
shoulders, like carters lifting their carts out of the mud. What 
one needs in boating like this is, I have remarked, resignation 
and patience. The men who pull your boats have done so all 
their lives. They are a sturdy, well-knit race, and seem to 
thrive under their exertions. Ordinary travelers generally tie 
up for the night and go on during the day. There are three 
or four villages on the river where the boats and junks ren- 
dezvous, and as we passed them we saw fleets at anchor, mainly 
rice-boats. The admiral however had organized his expedition 
so that we should move day and night. The boatmen do not 
like night service, but with double relays it is not arduous. 
The responsibility, however, of the undertaking was serious, 
for if the admiral ventured to go on board the boat and sleep 
the boatmen would tie up and sleep likewise. As it was im- 
possible even for the most willing admiral to walk all night as 
well as all day, we discovered on the second morning of our 
journey that instead of moving along we were quietly at rest. 
The coolies were asleep, the boatmen had thrown down their 
oars and fallen asleep, disregarding the menaces of the admi- 
ral, who had admonished them to viorflance before he turned 
Vol. II. — 25 



in. Human nature has its limitations, and once the eye of the 
admiral was closed the boatmen lay down on the banks and 
slept. We might have remained all night at rest, but Lieu- 
tenant Belknap discovered the situation and gave the alarm. 
The admiral turned out with his stick, and after a few minutes 
of vigorous and effective maneuvering we got under way. But 
there was no more sleep for the admiral that night. He had 


lost confidence in his boatmen, and as they tugged along the 
river bank with their ropes over their shoulders he tramped on 
behind with his cudgel, telling them in forcible Chinese what 
he thought of men who would basely go to sleep after promising 
to remain awake and pull. You can imagine that boating 
under these circumstances is not an exciting experience. Here 
we are fresh from the feverish West, where nothing that is 
worth doing is done at less than a pace of fifty miles an hour. 



Here we are journeying from a seaport to the capital of the 
oldest and most populous empire in the world — an empire be- 
fore some of whose achievements even the proudest of us must 
bow. At home we could run the distance in two or three 
hours — in a morning train while we looked over the columns of 
the newspaper and smoked the breakfast cigar. Here your 
journey is a matter of days, and although you may chafe under 
the consciousness of so much time wasted there is no help for 
it. You must accept it, and you will be wise if you do as Mrs. 
Grant did, and take a cheerful view and look on the trip as a 
picnic, and see the pleasant side of a journey in which you are 
hauled along a muddy, shallow river at the pace of a mile or 
two an hour. We all of us seemed to be cheerful. Our ex- 
pedition had grown into quite a fleet, and we named our boats 
after the English navy. We had a " Vixen " and a " Growler," 
a " Spitfire " and a "Terror;" the General's hulk was called 
" Temeraire," and the cooking boot the "Chow Chow." We 
exchanged visits from boat to boat. There was reading and 
sleeping, drawing sketches and writing. When the sun was in 
his strength we sheltered ourselves and dozed. In the cool of 
the evening, or as the sun went down, we went ashore and strode 
over the fields, crossing the bends of the river and meeting our 
boats further up. When we went ashore we were always fol- 
lowed by a policeman from the gun-boat, whose duty it was to see 
that we did not go astray or fall into unfriendly hands. When 
we came to a village the magistrates and head men came out 
and saluted us and offered us welcome and protection. Then 
we learned that the Viceroy had sent word of our coming, and 
had commanded the officials of every degree to hasten and 
offer their homage. 

Even such a trip has its bits of adventure. In this country 
there are .squalls, spits of wind that scud over the fields, and 
fill your sails and send you booming along. Then the coolie's 
heart rejoices, and he stays on board and gorges himself with 
rice and crawls into his corner and sleeps. Then the admiral 
comes on board and unbends himself, and tells stories of Chi- 
nese life and character : how he was chased by Chinamen near 



Shanghai when building the Woosung Railroad, how he knew 
Ward and Burgevine in the Taeping rebellion days. These 
squalls, however, have to be closely watched, for the sails are 
large, the boats wide and shallow, and a sudden whiff of wind 
will careen them over. The boatmen, however, are alert, and 
as the wind comes over the wheat fields and the orchards down 
falls the sail. One morning some of the party went on board 
the mandarin's boat to show our Chinese friend as much atten- 
tion as we could through an interpreter. These attentions 
never proceed far. You cannot say many things to a Chinese 
mandarin, no matter how civil you mean to be, when your me- 
dium is an interpreter, and where there is really no common 
theme of conversation. You see that you are objects of won- 
der, of curiosity to each other. You cannot help regarding 
your Chinese friend as something to be studied, something you 
have come a long way to see, whose dress, manners, appearance 
amuse you. To him you are quite as curious. He looks down 
upon you. You are a barbarian. You belong to a lower grade 
in the social system. You have strength, rude energy, prowess ; 
you have navies and fleets ; you have battered down his forts 
and put your heel on his breast. You can do so again. But 
he has no respect for this power ; for it is the teaching of all 
the sages that the military quality is the last to be honored, 
that war is not in any sense to be commended, and that the 
great nations whose power is in their armaments are none the 
less barbarous. To stand before a mandarin and feel that you 
are being studied as a type of rude and barbarous civilization 
is not conducive to talk, to such talk, at least, as you seek with 
men of your own race. You are so far apart in all things that 
there is no common theme upon which talk becomes useful. 
You tell him wonderful things, he tells you polite things, for 
nothing can surpass his politeness, his careless politeness which 
runs along like the score of an opera, never missing a note. 
You tell him marvels, and as he hears each marvel he thanks 
you, very much as if you had given him a present. You tell 
him that the world is round ; that our year begins in January ; 
that our country is almost as large as the Chinese empire, 

ox THE PE/HO. 


fourth in size and sixth in population among the nations of the 
world ; that we do not smoke opium ; that our women do pretty 
much as they please ; that we have steamboats and telegraphs ; 
that we have no emperor ; that we are on the other side of the 
globe ; that if you bored through from where you stand you 
would come out in the United States ; you tell him stories of 
this kind, and he sits in wonder and thanks you, and hopes 
happiness will follow you for long years, and that all the winds 
of heaven will blow blessings upon you. I half suspect that 
he regards most of your narrative as a kind of highly-colored 

-— -"1 

rhetoric, marvelous and flowery, because you want to be po- 
lite to him, as he is to you. 

As I was saying, some of our party had gone on the man- 
darin's boat, to be polite to him and tell him about the world 
being round. The mandarin was very civil, and, the admiral 
acting as interpreter, a great deal of information, mainly geo- 
graphical, was imparted. Then one of the party stepped over 
to another boat for the purpose of calling on the General. 
The way you make calls while boating on the Peiho is to hop 
from boat to boat, for they all remain within easy distance of 
one another, and there is no trouble in croingf through the whole 
fleet when you are in a visiting humor. One of our party 
stepped on another boat. Before he had gone fifty paces a 

390 CHINA. 

spitting squall came over the fields and caught the sail. The 
boat began to reel and bilge over against the bank. The boat- 
man rushed toward his ropes, but too late. The boat was on 
its beam ends, and the best that could be done was to hold on 
to the sides of the deck and keep your feet out of the water. 
There was nothing calamitous in the situation. If the worst 
came to the worst you had only to walk ashore in water up to 
your knees. But the boat righted again, and not even that 
harm was done. Our Chinese mandarin pulled up in great ex- 
citement. Nothing could exceed his concern — his polite ex- 
pressions of concern. The idea that one the Viceroy was hon- 
oring should be almost tossed into the water ! Terrible ! And 
by Chinamen, too! Horrible! He would make an example 
of that boatman. The only proper punishment would be to 
take his head off. At the very least he must have two hun- 
dred lashes. We interfered as well as we could. No harm 
had been done, and accidents will happen to the best-managed 
boats, and who can tell when a squall of wind may come spit- 
ting and hissing over the fields ? The captain of the careening 
boat was already on his knees — abject and imploring. If Mrs. 
Grant's boat had been within reach, influence of a decisive na- 
ture might have been invoked in favor of mercy. But her 
boat was half a mile away, and justice to be effective must be 
summary, and the best that could be done was to reduce the 
blows from two hundred to twenty. So the unlucky captain 
was seized by two of his own crew, and laid down on his face 
on his own deck. One held his head down, another his feet, 
and a third kneeling gave him twenty blows with a thick bam- 
boo cane. The blows did not seem to be severe, and would 
not have brought a whimper out of an average New England 
boy. At the close of the punishment the whipped man knelt 
before the mandarin, pressed his forehead to the ground, ex- 
pressed his gratitude for the mercy he had received, and his 
contrition for his fault. Then with crestfallen looks he went 
to his boat and took command. About half an hour later I 
saw him gorging himself with rice and chattering away with 
his comrades as though he had never known a lash. The more 



But the fragment- 

you see of the Orientals the more you are struck with the fact 
that many of their ways are as the ways of children. 

In the evening we would gather in the General's boat and 
talk. I recall no remarkable incident in the conversations ex- 
cept the discovery that one of the naval men knew some words 
of the song about Sherman's march through Georgia. He 
only knew one verse, and that inaccurately, 
a r y lines 
were con- 
structed into 
a verse i n 
some such 
fash i o n as 
scientific men 
take a bone 
and construct 
a n animal, 
and the re- 
sult was a 
Union war 
song, sung as 
badly p e r- 
haps as any 
song could 
be, but full 
of music to 
us in the 
memories it 
brought of 
home and 
of the great 
days in Amer- 
ican history. 

This snatch of song led to other snatches, all of them inaccurate 
and badly chanted, but homelike and familiar, and given with 
the usual gusto, so that when we went from the General's boat, 
and picked our way from boat to boat until we found our own. 


,02 CHINA. 

we were surprised to find it midnight, and tliat the long even- 
ing hours, which one would suppose to drag wearily along on 
this tedious, muddy river, had swept past us like a dream. So 
gentle are the memories of home. And some of us sat on the 
deck and smoked a last cigar — just one last cigar before turn- 
ing in — to see the moon, and watch the night shadows, and think 
of home. The admiral was on shore urging and driving his 
boatmen, his voice rising into crescendo and ending in a wail, 
that sounded to us like a plaintive entreaty, but must have 
meant something dreadful to the Chinamen. The boatmen 
pulled and tugged, now and then giving a grunt as they pulled 
together in a sudden burst over some muddy bar or around a 
bend. Passing rice junks hailed us in words that we did not 
understand, as it was well perhaps that we did not. Lights 
flitted along the shore, telling us that we were passing a village, 
and that the magistrates were coming down to the river bend 
to execute the Viceroy's orders and see that we were journey- 
ing in safety. And with the magistrates came the dogs, who 
gave us welcome. And there were the voices of the night, that 
even here in the Antipodes spoke with the language of home, 
and, above all, the moon throwing tints and shadows on the 
river. So, in contented fashion and as best we could, we made 
our way. We did all we could to enjoy the journey. You see 
I am writing about it in rather a fanciful, poetic mood, talking 
about the moon and the voices of nature just as if I were de- 
scribing the Wissahickon or the blue Juniata. That is, how- 
ever, a privilege that writers have — the privilege of looking at 
subjects by any light they please, moonlight or sunlight or a 
red, glaring flame. Then everybody had told us that the trip 
to Pekin would be dreadful and would not pay for the trouble, 
and that we had much better stay in Shanghai or Tientsin, 
where there were clubs, and dancing, and newspapers, and 
every one dying to give us dinners and balls and princely wel- 
come. And we had come on the journey in something like a 
spirit of defiance of all good advice, flying in the face of the 
Providence which one's friends are always carrying around in 
their carpet-bags and leveling at you, in highwayman fashion, 


when they have one purpose in view and you have another. 
The General, however, had decided that coming to China with- 
out going to Pekin would be like seeing Hamlet without Ham- 
let, or anything else absurd. Consequently going to Pekin 
as we did, under a sense of duty, we were disposed to look at 
everything by moonlight. At the same time it is a trip which 
should only be taken under an irresistible sense of duty. There 
was really every form of discomfort — the sun during the day, 
the cold night winds, the dust, the insect life with which you 
come in contact, and about which I could write unutterable 
things if I did not prefer to leave something to the reader's 
imagination. Traveling in a boat with Chinamen, who sleep, 
eat, and cook in one room, separated from them by a single 
wooden partition, is not a pleasant thing. You share every 
sound and odor, and the everlasting chatter and gobbling rice 
out of bowls are alone circumstances to be encountered with 

On the morning of the third day of our departure from 
Tientsin we awoke and found ourselves tied up to the bank at 
the village of Tung Chow. This was the end of our journey 
by the river, and our little fleet lay surrounded by a myriad 
of boats, the tanks lined with chattering Chinamen. Mr. Hol- 
combe had ridden down from Pekin, and came on board to 
greet us. The admiral was on'the bank, very dusty and travel- 
worn. He had been tramping all night to keep the boatmen 
at their pulling, and his voice was husky from much admoni- 
tion. He was in loud and cheerful spirits, and in great glee at 
having brought the General on time. The General, however, 
was not -in, but we saw his hulk slowly moving up through the 
junks, towering above them all — the American flag at the mast- 
head. The available population of the village had been assem- 
bled, and something like a step had been erected, covered with 
seal cloth, where there was to be an official landing. There 
were mandarins and officers from the Foreign Office, and an 
escort of horsemen and coolies, with chairs, who were to carry 
us to Pekin. Prince Kung, the Prince Regent, had sent the 
escort, and we were glad to learn from Mr. Holcombe that 



there was every disposition among the rulers of China to show 
the General all the courtesy in their power — to treat him with 
a respect, even with a pomp, that had never before been ex- 
tended to a foreigner. It was some time before the General's 
hulk was dragged into position, and it was only by extreme 


authority on the admiral's part and the loyal co-operation of 
other Chinese ofificials, who had sticks, that the boat was finally 
tied to the shore. It was early in the morning, and there was 
no sign of the General stirring. So we stood around and stud- 
ied the crowd and talked over the incidents of the night and 
paid compliments to Admiral Hill upon the vigorous manner 
in which he had taken us up the Peiho. The town folks were 


waiting ; but, in the meantime, their patience was rewarded by 
an extraordinary spectacle— no less a sight than a group of bar- 
barians at breakfast. Our naval friends had breakfast early, 
and as they removed the slats in their boats to let in the morn- 
ing air, the whole operation of breakfast was witnessed by the 
people of the town. They gathered in front and looked on in 
wonder, the crowd growing denser and denser, more and more 
eager and amused. The knives, the forks, the spoons, the 
three officers performing on eggs and cofTee, and eating from 
plates without chopsticks, instead of gobbling rice out of the 
same bowl — all this was the strangest si^ht ever seen in the 
ancient and conservative town of Tung Chow. I am sure it 
was the theme of much innocent gossip at many hearthstones, 
and will long be remembered as a tale to be told by those who 
were fortunate enough to stand on the bank and see the bar- 
barians at their uncouth performances. 

In time the General arose, and breakfast was hurried. Then 
came all the officials of Tung Chow — mandarins in red and 
blue buttons — to welcome the General and ask him to remain 
and breakfast with them. But the sun was rising, and it was 
important to reach Pekin if possible before he was on us in all 
his power. There were chairs from Prince Kung for some of 
the party, and horses for others. There were mule litters for 
the luggage and donkeys for the servants, and at eight o'clock 
we were under way. The General rode ahead in a chair car- 
ried by eight bearers. This is an honor paid only to the high- 
est persons in China. The other chairs were carried by four 
bearers. Mrs. Grant and Mrs. Holcombe rode some distance 
behind the General, two other chairs were occupied by two 
other members of the party, and the rest mounted. By the 
time we formed in procession it was really a little army. Our 
own party, with the servants, was large enough, and to this 
was added the Chinese troops who were to escort us to 
Pekin. So we scrambled up the dusty bank, and into the 
gates of the town, and through the narrow streets. The whole 
town was out, and as our chairs passed the people stared at the 
occupants with curious eyes. What we noticed in the aspect 



of the people was that they had stronger and coarser features 
than those in Amoy and Canton. We saw the predominance 
of the Tartar in the Tartar types, which are marked and readily 
distinguished from the Chinese. There were Tartar women 
in the crowds, their hair braided in a fashion we had never seen 
before, and their cheeks tinted with an obvious vermilion. 
Tradesmen left their booths and workmen their avocations to 
see the barbarians who had invaded Tung Chow, and were 
marching through, not as invaders nor as prisoners, but as the 
honored guests of the empire. Invaders and prisoners had 
been seen before, but never a barbarian in an imperial chair 
and escorted by Tartar troops. Those familiar with the history 
of China, and who remembered the days not long since gone, 
when an army marched over this very road to menace Pekin, 
burn the summer palace of the Emperor, and dictate a humil- 
iating peace to China ; those who remember the earnestness, 
the supplicating earnestness, with which the government re- 
sisted the efforts of the European Powers to introduce minis- 
ters into Pekin, could not but note the contrast in the recep- 
tion of General Grant, and the changes in Chinese thought 
which that contrast implied. It confirmed the remark made to 
me in Tientsin by one of the clearest- headed men I have seen 
in China, that General Grant's visit had done more than any- 
thing else to break down the great wall between China and 
the outer world. 

Our journey from Tung Chow to Pekin lasted five hours. 
The horsemen could have gone ahead in two hours, but the 
chairs moved slowly. The sun was warm, and the panting 
coolies had to rest and change frequently. After leaving Tung 
Chow our way was through a country that did not appear to 
be oversettled, over a stone road which now and then broke 
into a dirt path. We came to villages, and all the people were 
out, even to the women and children. Sometimes the children, 
quite naked, ran after us and begged. They had learned the 
Naples pantomime of pressing their hands on their breasts and 
lips to tell us that they were hungry. You observed, what you 
see in Naples, that for hungry people almost starved the beg- 



gars have a ranning and staying power which our liighly-fed 
people at home might envy. Sometimes an older beggar would 
appear, and kneel on the road and shake his rags and bend his 
forehead into the dust and crave alms. We noted tea-houses 
by the way, where our escort stopped for refreshment. In fact, 
the main duty of the escort seemed to be to gallop from tea- 
house to tea-house, 




tie their horses 
under the trees, re- 
fresh themselves, 
and on our arrival 
gallop on to the next 
point. Considering 
that our escort was 
more for ornament 
than use, that, 
although robbers 
sometimes overhaul 
travelers on the 
Pekin road, we had 
enough in our own 
party to take care of 
any band of robbers 
we were apt to en- 
counter, it was ra- 
ther a comfort that 
they rode ahead and 
had their ease at 
their inns. As we 

came to a town near Pekin we were met by other officials, 
who were presented to the General, and other troops. These 
ceremonies over, we kept on our road. The dust rose about us, 
the sun trrew warmer and warmer, and the general discomfort 
of the weather, the country, the cheerless aspect of nature, the 
sloth, the indifference, the neglect, the decay that seemed to 
have fallen on the land, all combined to make the journey a 
weary one. In addition to this came the fatigue of riding in a 




chair. For an hour or less riding in a chair is novel, and you 
have no special sensations of fatigue. There is an easy, jog- 
ging gait, and you can look out of your window into the faces 
of the crowd as you pass along. But after the first hour you 
grow tired and cramped. You cannot move about. You are 
compressed into one position. You ache and grow restless, the 
jogging trot becomes an annoyance, and your journey, if it lasts 
more than two hours, becomes the most exhausting form of 
travel known to man. 

Shortly after midday we saw in the distance the walls and 
towers of Pekin. We passed near a bridge where there had 
been a contest between the French and Chinese during^ the 
Anglo-French expedition, and one of the results of which was 
that the ofificer who commanded the French should be made a 
nobleman, under the name of the Count Palikao, and had later 
adventures in French history. As we neared the city the walls 
loomed up, and seemed harsh and forbidding, built with care 
and strength as if to defend the city. We came to a gate and 
were carried through a stone-arched way, and halted, so that a 
new escort could join the General's party. The people of Pekin, 
after we passed the bazaars, did not seem to note our presence. 
Our escort rode on over the wide, dusty lanes called streets, 
and all that we saw of the city was the dust which arose from 
the hoofs of the horses that straggled on ahead. We were so 
hot, so weary with riding in our chairs, so stifled with the dust, 
that it was an unspeakable relief to see at last the American 
flag floating over the gateway of the Legation, and have a 
grateful and gracious welcome from our hosts. 

The Legation in Pekin is shut off from the main street by a 
wall. As you enter you pass a small lodge, from which Chinese 
servants look out with inquiring eyes. The American flag 
floats over the archway, an indication that General Grant has 
made his home here. It is the habit for the Legation ordinar- 
ily to display their colors only on Sundays and holidays. On 
the right side of the walk is a series of low, one-storied build- 
ings, which is the home of the American Minister. They are 
of brick, painted drab, and covered with tiles. Nothing could 



be plainer and at the same time more commodious and comfort- 
able. On the left side is another series, where the Charge 
d'Affaires, Mr. Holcombe, the acting Minister, resides. In the 
rear is a smaller building, for the archives of the Legation. 
Standing a little way off is a building called the Pavilion,- set 
apart for guests. In the arrangement of the grounds and the 
buildings you note American simplicity and American energy. 


The energy seems to be devoted to making flowers and trees 
grow. There are flowers and trees in abundance, and coming 
out of the hot, dusty town, as I did an hour ago, it was grate- 
ful to be welcomed by them. They have a forlorn time in this 
hard soil, and I have no doubt if the secrets of the'Legation 
were unfolded it would be found that the preservation of the 
roses and the cedar was among the high cares of office. Under 
my window is a rosebush, a couple of roses depending from 
one stem being all that remain of its beauty. It seems to 
gasp for rain. Dr. Elmore, the Peruvian Minister, lives in Mr. 
Seward's section, and, as he gives a dinner to General Grant 

400 CHINA. 

this evening, he has a small army of coolies watering his plants 
and trying to induce them to smile upon his guests. Gen- 
eral Grant lives in Mr. Holcombe's apartments : the Colonel 
and I are in the Pavilion. Our naval friends are in Mr. Sew- 
ard's house, under Dr. Elmore's hospitality, which is thought- 
ful and untiring. The Legation offices are plain but neatly 
kept. You have a library with the laws of the United States, 
Congressional archives, newspapers, and the latest mails. In 
a side room is an English clerk and a Chinese clerk. Behind 
this office is a row of other buildings, where the servants live 
and where the horses are kept. 

On the evening of our arrival the American residents in 
Pekin called in a body on the General to welcome him and 
read an address. Dinner over our party entered the Legation 
parlors, and were presented to the small colony of the favored 
people who have pitched their tents in Pekin. The members 
of this colony are missionaries, members of the customs staff, 
diplomatists, and one or two who have claims or schemes for 
the consideration of the Chinese Government. After being 
introduced to the General and his party, Dr. Martin, the presi- 
dent of the Chinese-English University, stepped forward and 
read an address, to which General Grant responded, thanking 
his fellow citizens for their kindness, wished them all pros- 
perity in their labors in China and a happy return to their 
homes, where he hoped some day to meet them. 





'ITHIN an hour or two after General Grant's arrival 
in Pekin he was waited upon by the members of 
the Cabinet, who came in a body, accompanied by 
the military and civil governors of Pekin. These 
are the highest officials in China, men of stately demeanor. 
They were received in Chinese fashion, seated around a table 
covered with sweetmeats, and served with tea. The first Sec- 
retary brought with him the card of Prince Kung, the Prince 
Regent of the empire, and said that his Imperial Highness 
had charged him to present all kind wishes to General Grant, 
and to express the hope that the trip in China had been pleas- 
ant. The Secretary also said that as soon as the Prince Regent 
heard from the Chinese Minister in Paris that General Grant 
was coming to China he sent orders to the officials to receive 

VOL. U. 26 




him with due honor. The General rephed that he had received 
nothing but honor and courtesy from China. This answer 
pleased the Secretary, who said he would be happy to carry it 
to the Prince Regent. 

General Grant did not ask an audience of the Emperor. 
The Emperor is a child seven years of age, at his books, not 
in good health, and under the care of two old ladies called the 
empresses. When the Chinese Minister in Paris spoke to the 
General about audience, and his regret that the sovereign of 
China was not of age, that he might personally entertain an 
ex-President, the General said he hoped no question of audi- 
ence would be raised. He had no personal curiosity to see the 
Emperor, and there could be no useful object in conversing 
with a child. This question of seeing the Emperor is one of 
the sensitive points in Chinese diplomacy. The Chinese idea 
is that the Emperor is the Son of Heaven, the titular if not 
the accepted king of the world, king of kings, a sacred being, 
not to be seen by profane, barbarian eyes. Foreign powers 
have steadily fought this claim, and have insisted by every 
means upon the Emperor standing on the same level as other 
sovereigns and heads of States, receiving and sending ministers, 
and taking an active personal interest in international affairs. 
These arguments went so far as to induce the last Emperor to 
receive the foreign ministers in the palace. This was a great 
triumph. It made a sensation at the time. I have seen a pic- 
ture of the audience, drawn from memory by one of the inter- 
preters. There are ministers standing in a row, the Emperor 
on his throne, mandarins in the background, Prince Kung on 
his knees handing the credentials of the ministers to the pale, 
thin, puny sovereign. The audience lasted some minutes, and 
was confined to the utterance of a few words in Tartar lan- 
guage to the effect that the credentials would be considered. 
That is the only time in recent years when barbarian eyes have 
looked on sacred majesty. The emperor who then reigned 
has, to use courtly speech, ascended on the great dragon to be 
a guest on high. The youth of the present sovereign has pre- 
vented any audience, for, of course, an audience would be a 



comedy, with the sovereign a timid unhealthy boy, who had 
never seen a foreigner, and who would probably run off crying. 
The Chinese, therefore, have postponed the audience question 
until the Emperor comes of age. At the same time the foreign 
ministers have always made a point of their right to demand 
it. The fact that General Grant had been the head of a nation, 
and had corresponded directly with the Emperor, gave him the 
right to request an audience. There was no reason, even in 

ArniivXCK Willi iiiE li.Mi'EKuK IJrtiiii a Chinese drawing). 

Chinese logic, why such a request should be refused. Many 
of those well informed on Eastern questions were anxious that 
this request should be made ; that it would render things easier 
in dealing with the Chinese ; that, in fact, the only way of 
dealing with the government was to hammer and hammer, and 
always to hammer, until these prejudices were broken down. 
But the General had not come to China in a hammering mood, 
and had no curiosity to see a boy seven years old, and the 
question dropped. 


The day after his arrival in Pekin General Grant saw Prince 
Kung. The General and party left the Legation at half-past 
two, the party embracing Mr. Holcombe, the acting Minister ; 
Colonel Grant, Lieutenant Charles Belknap, C. W. Deering, 
and A. Ludlow Case, Jr., of the " Ashuelot." The way to the 
Yamen was over dirty roads, and through a disagreeable part 
of the town, the day being unusually warm, the thermometer 
marking loi degrees in the shade. This is a trying tempera- 
ture under the best circumstances, but in Pekin there was every 
possible condition of discomfort in addition. When we came 
to the courtyard of the Yamen the secretaries and a group of 
mandarins received the General and his party, and escorted 
them into the inner court. Prince Kung, who was standing at 
the door, advanced and saluted the General, and said a few 
words of welcome, which were translated by Mr. Holcombe. 
The sun was beating down, and the party passed into a large, 
plainly-furnished room, where was a table laden with Chinese 
food. The Prince, sitting down at the center, gave General 
Grant the seat at his left, the post of honor in China. He then 
took up the cards, one by one, which had been written in Chinese 
characters, on red paper, and asked Mr. Holcombe for the name 
and station of each member of the General's suite. He spoke 
to Colonel Grant, and asked him the meaning of the uniform 
he wore, his rank, and his age. He asked whether the Colonel 
was married and had children. When told that the Colonel 
had one child, a daughter, the Prince condoled with him, say- 
ing, " What a pity." In China, you must remember that female 
children do not count in the sum of human happiness, and 
when the Prince expressed his regret at the existence of the 
General's granddaughter, he was saying the most polite thing he 
knew. The Prince earnestly perused the face of the General, 
as thoueh it were an unlearned lesson. He expected a uni- 
formed person, a man of the dragon or lion species, who could 
make a great noise. What he saw was a quiet, middle-aged 
gentleman, in evening dress, who had ridden a long way in the 
dust and sun, and who was looking in subdued dismay at ser- 
vants who swarmed around him with dishes of soups and sweet- 



meats, dishes of bird's-nest soup, sharks' fins, roast ducks, bam- 
boo sprouts, and a teapot with a hot, insipid tipple made of rice, 
tasting- Hke a remembrance of sherry, which was poured into 
small silver cups. We were none of us hungry. We had just 
left luncheon, and were on the programme for a special ban- 
quet in the evening. Here was a profuse and sumptuous en- 
tertainment. The dinner differed from those in Tientsin, Can- 
ton, and Shanghai, in the fact that it was more quiet ; there 
was no display or parade, no crowd of dusky servants and re- 
tainers hanging around and looking on as though at a comedy- 
I didn't think the Prince himself cared much about eating, be- 
cause he merely dawdled over the bird's-nest soup and did not 
touch the sharks' fins. 
Nor, in fact, did any 
of the ministers, ex- 
cept one, who, in de- 
fault of our remem- 
berino; his Chinese 
name and rank, one 
of the party called 
Ben Butler. The 
dinner, as far as the 
General was c o n - 
cerned, soon merged 
into a cigar, and the 
Prince toyed with the 
dishes as they came 
and went, and smoked 
his pipe. 

As princes go I 
suppose few are more 
celebrated than Prince Kung. He is a prince of the imperial 
house of China, brother of a late emperor and uncle of the pres- 
ent. He wore no distinguishing button on his hat, imperial 
princes being of a rank so exalted that even the highest honor 
known to Chinese nobility is too low for them. In place of the 
latter he wore a small knot of dark red silk braid, sewed 


iHli LUCKUr 



together so as to resemble a crown. His costume was of 
the ordinary Chinese, plainer if anything than the official's. 
His girdle was trimmed with yellow, and there were yellow 
fringes and tassels attached to his pipe, his fan, and pockets. 
Yellow is the imperial color, and the trimming was a mark of 
princely rank. In appearance the Prince is of middle stature, 
with a sharp, narrow face, a high forehead — made more prom- 
inent by the Chinese custom of shaving the forehead — and a 
changing, evanescent expression of countenance. He has been 
at the head of the Chinese government since the English inva- 
sion and the burning of the Summer Palace. He was the only 
prince who remained at his post at that time, and consequently 
when the peace came it devolved upon him to make it. This 
negotiation gave him a European celebrity and a knowledge 
of Europeans that was of advantage. European powers have 
preferred to keep in power a prince with whom they have made 
treaties before. In the politics of China, Prince Kung has 
shown courage and ability. When the emperor, his brother, 
died in 1861, a council was formed composed of princes and 
noblemen of high rank. This council claimed to sit by the will 
of the deceased emperor. The inspiring element was. hostility 
to foreigners. Between this regency and the Prince there was 
war. The Emperor was a child — his own nephew ; just as the 
present emperor is a child. Suddenly a decree coming from 
the child-emperor was read, dismissing the regency, making the 
dowager Empress Regent, and giving the power to Prince 

This decree Prince Kung enforced with vigor, decision, and 
success. He arrested the leading members of the regency, 
charged them with having forged the will under which they 
claimed the regency, and sentenced three of them to death. 
Two of the regents were permitted to commit suicide, but the 
other was beheaded. From that day, under the empresses. 
Prince Kung has been the ruler of China. Under the last 
emperor the party in opposition succeeded in degrading him. 
I have read the decree of degradation as it appeared in the 
Pekin Gazette. The principal accusation against the prince 


was that he had been haughty and overbearing, which I can 
well beHeve. The decree was sweeping and decisive. The 
Prince was degraded, deprived of his honors, and reduced to 
the common level. But the power of the Prince was not to be 
destroyed by a decree. In a few days appeared another decree, 
saying that as the Prince had crept to the foot of the throne in 
tears and contrition he had been pardoned. The real fact, I 
suppose, was that the young emperor and the empress found 
that the Prince was a power whose wrath it was not wise to 
invoke. Since his restoration to his honors, his power has been 
unquestioned, and one of the recent decrees conferred new 
honors upon himself and his son for their loyalty to the empire, 
and especially for their fervent prayers at the ceremonies to the 
manes of the dead emperor. 

The interview with his Imperial Highness, aside from those 
courteous phrases which are the burden of Chii.ese conversation, 
was about education and the development of the resources of 
China. One allusion made by General Grant to the influence 
the development of the coal and iron interests of England had 
upon her greatness seemed to impress the ministers, especially 
the Secretary of the Treasury, who repeated the statement and 
entered into conversation with one of his colleagues on the sub- 
ject. Prince Kung said nothing, but smoked his pipe and 
delved into the bird's-nest soup. The dishes for our repast 
came in an appalling fashion — came by dozens — all manner of 
the odd dishes which China has contributed to the gastronomy 
of the age. Prince Kung was more interested in the success 
of his dinner than in the material prosperity of the nation, and, 
with the refinement of politeness characteristic of the Chinese, 
kept piling the General's plate with meats and sweetmeats 
until there was enough before him to garnish a Christmas tree. 
The General, however, had taken refusfe in a clear and was 
beyond temptation. 

A Chinese entertainment gives time for talk and food. The 
speeches have to be translated from Chinese into English, and 
from English into Chinese, an office that Mr. Holcombe per- 
formed with readiness. Prince Kune did not enter with enthu- 



siasm into the talk about material progress. It seemed as if 
the subject bored him. But Prince Kung lives in the center of 
political intrigue. He is the head of the government — the re- 
gent — brother of one emperor and uncle of another, the ruling 
member of the ruling house. The burning question in Chinese 


politics is the influence of the foreigner. Parties divide on 
this question as at home they used to divide on the question 
of slavery, and when it comes up, as it is always coming. China- 
men show temper, as at home an average statesman of either 
party would show temper if you pressed him closely on the 
currency question or State rights. Prince Kung is as far ad- 
vanced on the subject as you could expect from a Tartar states- 


man who liad never seen the sea or a ship, who had always 
Hved in China — and nearly always in a palace — who belonged 
to an alien governing race which held China by force and 
prestige, and who had behind him his own Tartar class, who 
oppose all European customs. He could not go as far as Li 
Hung Chang, the Viceroy at Tientsin ; but the Viceroy has 
had more opportunities of seeing the world, and of knowing 
what good would come to China from a progressive policy. 
The talk about the improvement of China, therefore, at this 
interview, was mainly on the part of General Grant. The part 
of the conversation which impressed Prince Kung most was 
the suggestion that real progress in China, to be permanent, 
must come from the inside — from the people themselves. A 
remark of this kind, so unlike the observations generally ad- 
dressed to Orientals by the outside world, was calculated to 
make, as it did, a deep impression. We could not wait to finish 
our dinner, as there was an engagement to visit the Tunguon 
College, for the teaching of English to Chinese youth, an 
institution founded by Dr. Martin, an American. On taking 
leave of Prince Kung we visited the college, and Dr. Martin 
presented General Grant to the students and professors. One 
of the students read an address, to which the General made a 

Prince Kung was punctual in returning the call of General 
Grant. Several officers of the " Richmond" happened to be in 
Pekin on a holiday, and General Grant invited them, as well as 
our friends of the " Ashuelot," who were also at the Legation, 
to assist in receiving the Prince. Among these officers were 
Lieutenants Sperry and Patch, and Master Macrae. Prince 
Kung was accompanied by the Grand Secretary of State. As 
soon as he was presented to the members of the General's party 
we passed into the dining-room, and sat around a table gar- 
nished with tea, sweetmeats, and champagne. During this 
visit there occurred a remarkable conversation, the points of 
which I will briefly note, because of its possible effects on the 
politics of the East. Prince Kung spoke of his anxiety to have 
General Grant remain longer in China. China, he said, had 



always been treated well by America, and never more so than 
under the administration of General Grant. China would never 
forget the services rendered by Mr. Burlingame. General 
Grant responded that the policy of America in dealing with 
foreign powers was one of justice. "We believe," he said, 
"that fair play, consideration for the rights of others, and re- 
spect for international law will always command the respect of 
nations and lead to peace. I know of no other consideration 

that enters into our for- 
eign relations. There is 
n o temptation to the 
United States to adven- 
tures outside of our own 
country. Even in the 
countries contiguous to 
our own we have no for- 
eign policy except so far 
as it secures our own 
protection from foreign 

Prince Kung said there 
was a question about 
which he would like to 
speak further to General 
Grant, and that if China 
could secure the Gen- 
eral's good offices, or ad- 
vice, it would be a great 
benefit to all nations, es- 
pecially to the East. He explained that there was a question 
pending between China and Japan about the sovereignty of the 
Loochoo Islands, and the attempt of the Japanese to extinguish 
the kingdom, which had always paid tribute to China, which 
had always been friendly, and, according to the Prince, had 
been seized by Japan and absorbed into the Japanese empire. 
The Prince continued by expressing a feeling of delicacy at re- 
ferring to a mere matter of business on the occasion of General 




Grant's visit to Pekin, and said that he would not have ventured 
upon the subject but for the fact that the Viceroy of Tientsin 
had written him of the kind manner in which he had received 
the Viceroy's allusions to the matter. General Grant responded 
that he had told the Viceroy that anything he could do in the 
interest of peace would be a pleasure to him. But he was not 
an officer ; he was merely a private citizen, with no share in 
the government and no power. Prince Kung responded that 
he quite understood that, but he knew that General Grant 
would always have a vast influence, not only upon his people 
at home but upon other nations. He was going to Japan, also, 
as the guest of the people and the Emperor, and would have 
opportunities of presenting the views of China to the Japan- 
ese Cabinet. " For generations," said the Prince, " Loo- 
choo had recognized the sovereignty of China, not alone the 
present dynasty, but the dynasty of the Mings. The king 
of this island was taken to Japan and deposed, and the sove- 
reignty was extinguished." The Prince continued by saying 
that this was an offense against international law, and com- 
plained that the Japanese would not discuss the question with 
either their minister in Pekin or the Chinese minister in Tokio. 
The Chinese minister in Tokio was so angry that he asked 
permission to withdraw. General Grant thought that any 
course short of national humiliation or national destruction was 
better than war. War, he said, was in itself so great a calam- 
ity that it should only be invoked when there was no way of 
avoiding a greater, and war, especially between two nations 
like China and Japan, would be a measureless misfortune. 
Prince Kung replied that it would be a great misfortune for the 
outside neutral powers, because it would be a heavy blow to 
the trade which other nations so much depended upon. China, 
he said, was a peaceful nation, and no nation would make more 
sacrifices for peace ; "but," he continued, " forbearance cannot 
be used to our injury, to the humiliation of the Emperor, and 
the violation of our rights. On this subject we feel strongly, 
and when the Viceroy wrote the Emperor from Tientsin that 
he had spoken to you on the subject, and that you might be 


induced to use your good offices with Japan, and with your 
offices your great name and authority, we rejoiced in what may 
be a means of escaping from a responsibiHty which no nation 
would deplore more than myself" 

General Grant said that while he was only a traveler, see- 
inof sisfhts and lookino- at new manners and customs, that he 
would, upon going to Japan, take pleasure in informing him- 
self on the subject and conversing with the Japanese author- 
ities. "I have no idea," said the General, "what their argu- 
ment is. They, of course, have an argument. I do not sup- 
pose that the rulers are inspired by a desire wantonly to injure 
China. I will acquaint myself with the Chinese side of the 
case, as your Imperial Highness and the Viceroy have pre- 
sented it, and promise to present it. I will do what I can to 
learn the Japanese side. Then, if I can in conversation with 
the Japanese authorities do anything that will be a service to 
the cause of peace, you may depend upon my good offices. 
But, as I have said, I have no knowledge on the subject, and no 
idea what opinion I may entertain when I have studied it." 
The General continued by referring to the arbitration between 
Great Britain and America on the Alabama question as an ex- 
ample for China and Japan to follow. "That arbitration," he 
said, "between nations may not satisfy either party at the time, 
but it satisfies the conscience of the world, and must commend 
itself, as we grow in civilization, more and more, as the means 
of adjusting international disputes." 

Prince Kung spoke during this interview with great anima- 
tion. His voice is low and soft, and his gesticulations more 
those of an Italian than a Chinaman. At the pauses in the 
conversation, while Mr. Holcombe was interpreting into Eng- 
lish what had been said in Chinese, the attendant would hand 
the Prince his pipe, and leaning back in his chair he would 
take two or three whiffs. Sometimes a thought would occur to 
him, and he would again break into the translation with a rapid 
and nervous expression. When he spoke of China's resolve to 
defend her sovereignty he showed emotion, something extraor- 
dinary in an Oriental, and mastering himself with a sudden 


wrench, as though he were seizing the reins of an escaping 
steed, apologized for the impulse and went on with the conver- 
sation. Again, at the close of a rather long speech, he said 
to the minister who sat next to him, with a smile, as he took 
his pipe, " Mr. Holcombe will never remember that much long 
enough to translate it " — a doubt at which all the ministers 
laughed heartily. What impressed me in the conversation of 

Prince Kung, in distinction from other Oriental princes and 
statesmen whom I have seen, was its picturesqueness. It was 
the talk of a man of the world — an astute man, swayed by his 
feelings, carried along by his will. An Indian or a Moslem 
prince, some of our friends in Hindostan or Egypt, sat like ex- 
pressions of fate, and drifted through a conversation without a 
change of countenance. You felt before you were through 
with the conversation almost as if you had been looking at 


some of the stone faces in the recesses of Dendoreh or the Ele- 
phanta Caves, but Prince Kung's face lit up with the varying 
moods of his mind. As he spoke he fanned himself, for the day 
was cruelly warm, and when any point interested him he would 
press his fan close upon the arm of General Grant, and bend 
half-closed, inquiring, resolute eyes upon the General's face. 

The Prince, when he had finished his conversation, drew 
toward him a glass of champagne, and addressing Mr. Hol- 
combe said he wished to again express to General Grant the 
honor felt by the Chinese government at having received this 
visit. He made special inquiries as to when the General would 
leave, the hour of his departure, the ways and periods of his 
journey. He asked whether there was anything wanting to 
complete the happiness of the General or show the honor in 
which he had been held by China. In taking his leave he wished 
to drink especially the health of General Grant, to wish him a 
prosperous voyage, and long and honorable years on his return 
home. This sentiment the General returned, and rising, led 
the way to the door, where the chair of the Prince and the 
bearers were in waiting. The other ministers accompanied 
the Prince, and on taking leave saluted the General in the cere- 
monious Chinese style. The Prince entered his chair and was 
snatched up and carried away by his bearers, the guard hur- 
riedly mounting and riding after. 

The fierce, unrelenting weather prevented our doing more 
than make an effort to see Pekin. We were compelled, for our 
very life's sake, to remain in the shady gardens of the Consul- 
ate. We climbed the wall that surrounded the city, and saw 
from a distance the yellow roofs and domes of the buildings of 
the Imperial Palace. The Imperial Palace is a sacred inclosure, 
forbidden to all eyes except those who are in immediate at- 
tendance on his Majesty. It covers a large space of ground, 
and, as seen from the wall, looked to be a green, inviting place, 
and, evidently, from the number of the yellow-roofed buildings, 
the home of a large retinue. We visited, also, the Temple of 
Heaven, one of the most important monuments in China. This 
has always been closed to the barbarian world, but I am bound 


to say that most of the barbarians whom I knew in Pekin had 
made their way into the sacred inclosure by cHmbing over the 
wall and using money with the guards. But the government 
sent a mandarin and escort to open the sacred portals for the 
General's party, the first time that such a courtesy had ever 
been paid to a foreigner. We went out to the temple in chairs, 
saw the hall of sacrifice, and the spot where the Emperor comes 
to pray, and from the summit looked out upon the thriving 
fields which surround Pekin. The temple itself is very much 
in need of repair, and might be called a ruin if it were not still 
in use on occasions of solemn ceremony. There were visits, 
dinners, and receptions in Pekin, and plans for a journey to- 
ward Tartary. This plan was abandoned with reluctance ; and 
so, after having taken our leave of Prince Kung and the officers 
of the government, we left Pekin early one morning for Tientsin. 

General Grant reached Tientsin on the morninof of the 
1 2th of June at daybreak. He had not finished breakfast be- 
fore he received a message that the Viceroy was on his way to 
meet him. The visit of the Viceroy is always a matter of cere- 
mony. He comes with a guard and a small army of chair- 
bearers and attendants, and is received with cannon and music. 
A guard of honor was hurriedly marched up from the " Ashuelot " 
and formed under the trees in front of the Consulate, under the 
command of Lieutenant Belknap. General Grant, accompanied 
by Minister Seward and Consul Denny, was waiting on the 
veranda, and as the Viceroy stepped out of his chair the Gen- 
eral advanced and welcomed him. Together they passed into 
an inner room and received tea and sweetmeats. 

It was at this conversation that the Viceroy pressed upon 
General Grant the desire of the Chinese grovernment that he 
should act as arbitrator between Japan and China on the 
Loochoo question. Li Hung Chang repeated the arguments of 
Prince Kung, and added to them many others, especially one 
argument to the effect that the possession of the Loochoo Islands 
by Japan would block the channel of Chinese commerce to the 
Pacific, and that China could not permit this. General Grant 
repeated to the Viceroy the assurances he gave Prince Kung. 



He was afraid, he said, that the Chinese overrated his power, 
but not his wish, to preserve peace, and especially to prevent 
such a deplorable thing as a war between China and Japan. 
He would study the Japanese case as carefully as he proposed 
to study the Chinese case. He would confer with the Japanese 
authorities, if possible, on reaching Japan. If the question took 
such a shape that he could advise or aid in its peaceful solution 
he would be happy ; and, as he remarked to Prince Kung, his 
happiness would not be diminished if the advice he gave did 
not disappoint the Chinese government. 

The "Richmond" had arrived at the Peiho River, and was 

waiting to carry us 
to Japan. The Gen- 
eral was anxious to 
leave, but the Viceroy 
would not let him go, 
and seemed desirous 
to be in his company 
as much as possible. 
All the traditions of 
Chinese reserve and 
hatred of foreigners 
vanished in the pres- 
ence tooof thehauo^h- 


tiest statesman in the 
empire. Heretofore 
distinguished men 
who have visited 
China came either as 
seekers for the curious and quaint or as ambassadors of rival 
and not always friendly powers. You can well understand 
that China would look with reserve upon the friendship of 
powers whose most conspicuous contributions to Chinese civili- 
zation are the burning of the Summer Palace and the opening 
of the opium trade. General Grant represented a nation whose 
relations to China had always been friendly and sympathetic, 
which had no policy in the East inconsistent with the indepen- 



dence of the country, and which, because of the emigration to 
China, and from other causes, was becoming most important. 
Furthermore, no foreigner of the distinction and antecedent 
rank of General Grant had ever visited China. It so happened 
that there were points of resemblance in the careers of the Vice- 
roy and the General that interested the former. Beyond this 
the political condition of China, not alone in its relations to the 
outside world, but in the development of home affairs, is such 
as to make its statesmen anxious for wisdom and information 
and sympathy. There were a multitude of questions discussed 
between the Viceroy and General Grant that have not found a 
place in this narrative. But I have no doubt that the destinies 
of China, and the policy of her government will show the in- 
fluence and the advice of the General. 

Mr. Detring, the customs commissioner, gave a dinner and 
evening party in honor of General Grant and the Viceroy. 
The Viceroy, for the first time in his career and in the career 
of Chinese statesmen, has met Europeans in social intercourse 
at a dinner-table where ladies were present. Woman does not 
hold a position in China that justifies Chinamen in meeting on 
equality even the ladies of European and American families. 
Accordingly, when the Viceroy expressed his willingness to 
attend dinner parties at which ladies were present, there was 
some anxiety to know what should be done with them. Mr. 
Dillon, the French consul, solved the problem by massing all 
the ladies together on one side of the table and the gentlemen 
on another. The Viceroy and General Grant walked in alone 
and ahead, then the ladies, while the remainder of the guests 
placed themselves in the odd spaces. Mr. Detring made a step 
in advance at his dinner, and the ladies went into dinner 
escorted by the gentlemen in European fashion, the Viceroy 
walking ahead and alone. The dinner was served in a tem- 
porary dining-room arranged on the veranda, with flags of all 
nations forming shelter. There were about fifty guests present, 
including the Viceroy and suite, General Grant and party, Mr. 
Seward, our Minister, who had just come from America, the 
members of the consular body and their wives, officers of the 
Vol. II. — 27 



navy, and leading citizens. When the dinner was over, Mr. 
Detring arose and made a brief address in the name of the 
Viceroy. In this speech the Viceroy spoke with feeHng of the 
pleasure it had given him to meet General Grant, how he had 
looked for his coming, how anxious he was to meet him, how 
much he had enjoyed the visit, and hoped that General Grant 
would not forget liim when he returned home, but regard him 
as a friend and admirer. The speech was manly and simple, 
but its real value was in the fact that it was the speech of the 
foremost man in China — of a man whose name will be remem- 
bered as among the greatest of Chinese soldiers and statesmen. 
General Grant acknowledged the Viceroy's speech in the fol- 
lowing words : 

" Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am very much obliged 
for the honor you do me, and especially for the complimentary terms in which 
the Viceroy proposes my health. I have enjoyed exceedingly my visit to 
China. It has been full of interest and advantage, and the recollections of the 
trip will remain with me all my life. There is no part of those recollections 
that I shall dwell upon with more pleasure than my meeting with the Viceroy, 
of whose fame I had heard before I came to China, and whom I was glad to 
meet. I can never forget his kindness, and now that I am leaving China, I 
hope that I may express the wish that I may not be altogether forgotten by 
him. To you all, ladies and gentlemen, I return my thanks for the hospitality 
shown to my party and myself in Tientsin. In conclusion, I ask you to unite 
with me in drinking the health of the Viceroy and the prosperity of China." 

The address of General Grant was translated to the Vice- 
roy, who remained standing during its delivery. He bowed 
his thanks, and then proposed the health of Mr. Seward, the 
American Minister to China. The dinner over we strolled 
about the pfrounds. Amonsf the illuminations was one of Chi- 
nese lanterns formed so as to represent the name of the Vice- 
roy in a Chinese character. There were jugglers whose tricks 
became tedious. The General and Viceroy remained until 
midnight. After they had retired there was dancing. The 
music came from the band of the " Richmond," which Captain 
Benham sent up. The presence of this band in Tientsin was 
an event of transcendent importance. The European colony 
in Tientsin has never been more than a handful. It is isolated. 



out of the way of travel and trade. The average traveler gen- 
erally sees enough of China as soon as he leaves Shanghai, 
and hurries away to the green and sunny hills of Japan. Only 
brave travelers like our Alpine friends, who rummage the world 
for inaccessible peaks and seek out the byways and odd places, 


ever come to Tientsin. Travelers have their tracks around the 
world like those of the buffalo in a prairie, and these tracks 
leave Tientsin on the one side. While Tientsin has grown a good 
deal, it has no such growth as Shanghai or Canton. The for- 
eign population would form a good-sized club. There are not 
enough to quarrel, and all seemed to live on harmonious terms. 
Tientsin is the only settlement of Europeans in Asia in which 


I did not hear of some scandal — of somebody having a skeleton 
in his closet. The traveler in these Asiatic colonies is sure to 
meet the candid friend who belongs to society and takes a dis- 
mal pleasure in rattling for your amusement the bones of his 
friends' private skeletons. I heard nothing of this in Tientsin. 
I suppose there are skeletons, as there are in the most stately 
and respectable homes ; but the people hid them away and 
draped their houses with greenery and flags, and united to 
honor General Grant as heartily as though they all belonged 
to the same family. The European in Asia is, at the best, in 
banishment. You have no more connection with the inside life 
of the native people around you than the moss with the tree 
upon whose bark it nestles. Life in Tientsin is aggravated 
banishment, and our welcome was a good deal like that given 
by the descendants of the " Bounty " mutineers to the English 
vessel that first visited them. We came as a tradition, and our 
coming brought the band of the " Richmond." We found the 
band on our return from Pekin, and soon saw that the popu- 
larity of General Grant was under a shadow. During the resi- 
dence of General Grant at the Consulate the afternoon amuse- 
ment of the people was to assemble in front of the grounds and 
watch for the going and coming of the General. Crowds have 
a great deal of curiosity and patience at home, but a Chinese 
crowd can surpass them. All day long, in the lanes around the 
Consulate, the crowd stood and stared, and if the General ven- 
tured out followed him. This crowd became an institution, and 
enterprising merchants established booths and peddling stalls, 
and street gamblers plied their calling. The street gamblers 
had rings of bamboo ware in which were a handful of thin bone 
sticks, each stick bearing a number. You paid cash and took 
out as many of the sticks as you pleased. According to the 
aggregate numbers you won or lost. The quiet, retired Consul- 
ate became a fair, and it was not without a quiet triumph that 
the consul. Judge Denny, walked about and saw his irresistible 
attraction and how well it drew. There is no sentiment in 
which there is so much human nature as in the showman feel- 
ing, and the Consulate was the most conspicuous place in Tien- 


tsin. But when the band came and marshaled its meager num- 
bers on the deck of the " Ashuelot," and broke out with " God 
Save the Queen " and " Hail Columbia," the town rose and 
flocked to the river, and sight-seers, peddlers, and gamblers hur- 
ried away to witness the new revelation. It was the first band 
that had ever been heard in Tientsin. Tientsin has a charming-, 
cultivated society, and the Europeans solace their banishment 
with nothing so much as music, but it had been the music of 
the piano and flute and fiddle. But music coming in force, with 
drum and bugle and braying trumpets, asserting itself over the 
whole settlement — this had never before been known in Tien- 
tsin. To the Chinese the band was simply a new phase of that 
foreign barbarism and deviltry which is always assuming new 
shapes on the coasts — now a steam-engine, now a telegraph, 
now a band ! To the foreigner it brought all the memories of 
home, for the music was honest home music — Danube waltzes 
and "Home, sweet Home" and "Hail Columbia," and steady- 
going heel-and-toe dancing music — and the days of banishment 
at Tientsin lost their g-loom. 

When we returned from Pekin, Tientsin was thrilling with 
the ecstasy of the new band, and little children who had never 
been home were in a wonderland over this strange, entrancing 
phenomenon. Judge Denny, however, seemed to take a serious 
view of the rival show. The ex- President was an immense at- 
traction, and his presence gave dignity to the Consulate and 
brought the crowd; but no ex-President — not all the ex-Presi- 
dents, beginning with the venerable shade of Washington — 
could stand the rivalry of that band ; and as a patriotic Amer- 
ican, so long as General Grant remained in Tientsin there 
must be no successful rivalry. With the instinct of true 
genius the judge settled the question, and the evening of 
our arrival, as we marched into dinner, there, under our 
very windows, in a little embowered enclosure, was the band. 
The judge had captured it, I don't know how, but the capture 
was effective, and so long as we remained in Tientsin the Con- 
sulate, possessing the General and the band, had an uncontested 



Pleasant were our days in Tientsin, pleasant even with the 
severe and baking weather. Our host had the happy tact not 
to make his hospitality oppressive, and there was time to walk 
in the lanes, to go down on the ships, to sit on the piazza, and 
study out the wealth of flowers and shrubbery with which the 

judge had decorat- 
ed his garden, at 
the expense of all 
the other gardens 
in Tientsin. And 
the pleasant men 
and women you 
met in Tientsin, 
whose names you 
wish it were grace- 
ful to recall, but 
whose kindness 
you cannot fail to 
bear on and on in 
your memory! 
Pleasant, notably, 
were our relations 
with the great 
Viceroy, w hose 
kindness seemed 
to grow with every 
hour, and to tax 
itself for new forms 
of expression. If it had been the kindness of a mere citizen, a 
merchant with tea to sell, it would have been pleasant, as show- 
ing good feeling; but coming from the greatest of Chinese 
statesmen, one of the first noblemen in the empire, ruler over 
an empire itself in the extent and population of his province, 
with power of life and death, with armies to follow him and 
ships to carry his will, it passed out of the range of hospitality 
and became a question of international politics. Li Hung 
Chang's reception of General Grant was as notable an event in 

THE l.liSSON. 



the utter setting aside of precedents and traditions as can be 
found in the recent history of China. It required a great man, 
who could afford to be progressive and independent, to do it. 
I know that this appears to be trivial and is the record of small 
things; but in the East, and especially in China, it is only in 
trivial things that* you can see the great progress which has 
been made in the opinions of the country. Whatever shows 
an advance on the part of Chinese rulers and statesmen toward 
America is so much an improvement on the cruel bayonet and 
broadside policy which has borne sway that I am glad to note 
it. There was probably nothing more notable than the enter- 
tainment given to Mrs. Grant by the wife of the Viceroy. 

You must remember the position in which woman is held in 
China — her seclusion, her withdrawal from affairs, from social 
life, her relation to a society which acknowledges polygamy 
and the widest freedom of divorce — to understand how radical 
a thing it was for the Viceroy to throw open the doors of his 
house and bring the foreign barbarian to his hearthstone. This 
dinner was arranged for our last night in Tientsin, and in honor 
of Mrs. Grant. The principal European ladies in the colony 
were invited. Some of these ladies had lived in Tientsin for 
years and had never seen the wife of the Viceroy — had never 
seen him except through the blinds of the window of his chair. 
The announcement that the Viceroy had really invited Mrs. 
Grant to meet his wife, and European ladies to be in the com- 
pany, was even a more extraordinary event than the presence of 
General Grant or the arrival of the band. Society rang with a 
discussion of the question which, since Mother Eve introduced 
it to the attention of her husband, has been the absorbing 
theme of civilization — what shall we wear ? I have heard many 
expositions on this theme, but in Tientsin it was new and im- 
portant. Should the ladies go in simple, Spartan style — in 
muslin a.nd dimity, severely plain and colorless, trusting alone 
to their orraces and charms, and thus show their Chinese sister 
the beauty that exists in beauty unadorned — or should they go 
in all their glory, with gems and silks and satins and the latest 
development of French genius in the arrangement of their hair ? 



It was really an important question, and not without a bearing, 
some of us thought, on the future domestic peace of the Viceroy. 
The arguments on either side were conducted with ability, and 
1 lament my inability to do them justice, and hand them over to 
the consideration of American ladies at home. The discussion 
passed beyond me and entered into the sphere of metaphysics, 
and became a moral, spiritual — almost a theological theme, and 
was decided finally in favor of the resources of civilization. 
The ladies went in all the glory of French fashion and taste. 

No gentlemen were invited to the Viceroy's dinner, and the 
Viceroy himself did not entertain his guests. It was arranged 
that the ladies should go in chairs. Of ladies there were in 
all, Mrs. Grant, Mrs. Detring, Mrs. Denny, Mrs. Dillon, Mrs. 
Forrest, Miss Dorian, and Miss Denny. It was a distance of 
two miles to the Yamen, and the streets were filled with a 
curious multitude watching the procession of chairs, and having 
their own thoughts, we can well fancy, at this spectacle of the 
viceregal home invaded by the wives of foreign barbarians. 
It was quite dark when the ladies reached the Yamen. They 
alighted in a courtyard illuminated with lanterns, and crowded 
with officials in their quaint costumes. The band of the 
" Richmond " had been'sent ahead by Captain Johnson, and as 
our ladies arrived they were welcomed with the familiar notes 
of home music. The Viceroy also had a band, and the musical 
effect of the two styles of music — the Chinese running largely 
to gongs, and the American with trumpet and drum — was unique, 
and added to the strangeness of the ceremony. As Mrs. Grant, 
who was in the first chair, descended, she was met by the wife 
of the Viceroy, who took her hand and escorted her into the 
house. The other ladies were shown in by one of the mis- 
sionary ladies who came to act as interpreter. They passed 
through a sort of hall into a small library. The walls of this 
library were cut up into pigeon-holes filled with Chinese books 
made of soft, tough paper. The Viceroy's wife took her seat 
at the head of the table, and as each lady entered she was in- 
troduced by the interpreter. The hostess arose and shook 
hands with each in cordial European fashion, with perfect grace, 



and as though it had been her custom all her life to use this 
form of salutation. The wife of the Viceroy was found by our 
lady friends to be, if I may quote what one of them said to 
me, "the personification of well-bred ease and affability, a 
fine, intelligent-looking- lady of middle age, her features shovv- 


ing marked beauty and character. When she smiled, two 
charming dimples played around her cheeks." The hostess 
wore a very long jacket and trousers of rich dark silk. Her 
ornaments were a long necklace of jade stone, with beads and 
bracelets of the same material, an immense butterfly-shaped 
ornament of pearls, and bits of green jade stone covering the 
whole back of the head. There were two other ladies of the 



viceregal family present, the daughter of the Viceroy, a maiden 
of sixteen, and his daughter-in-law, a lady of twenty-three. 
They sat at the opposite end of the table from the hostess, 
looking on with curious interest at the company of foreign 
ladies, the first they had ever seen. Still they restrained their 
curiosity, showing no wonder, no surprise, and received their 
European friends with as much ease as if they had been accus- 
tomed to a London drawing-room. The daughter-in-law of the 
Viceroy was dressed in subdued colors, much the same as the 
hostess, but the maiden was brilliantly costumed in a bright pink 
satin jacket, and green satin trousers, the whole embroidered 
with gold thread, and silk of a variety of colors. At every 
movement she tinkled with her abundant ornaments of pearl 
and jade, which hung in long pendants from her ears, wrists, 
fingers, and the cord of her fan. She wore two long gold 
finofer-nail shields on the third and fourth fingers of her left 
hand, a curious ornament made necessary by the custom of 
high-bred persons in China of allowing the finger-nails to grow. 
Both of the young ladies wore their hair ornamented in the 
same manner as the wife of the Viceroy. 

The company sat in the library about ten minutes. During 
this time they were served with strong pale tea, without sugar 
or milk, in tiny porcelain cups. Then, at a gesture from the 
hostess, the ladies arose and walked into another room, a larger 
one, the hostess conducting Mrs. Grant. Crowds of servants 
swarmed about, and other crowds of curious persons looked in 
at the windows and doors at the unusual spectacle. The din- 
ing-room was furnished in European fashion, with divans and 
chairs. A chandelier of four gas jets hung over the center of the 
table, and was an object of curiosity to all, as Tientsin has not 
yet attained to the blessing of gas. The dinner table was set in 
European style, with silver and French china, and decorated 
with a profusion of flowers. The ladies took seats according 
to the rank of their husbands, Mrs. Grant sitting on the right 
and Mrs. Denny on the left of the hostess. Each of the ladies 
had her own servant, who waited on her. The dinner was a 
blending of Chinese and European cookery. First came a 


European course. Then came a Chinese course, served in sil- 
ver cups with small silver ladles and ivory chopsticks. Smaller 
silver cups in saucers sat at each plate, filled with the warm 
Chinese wine which you find at every dinner. The ladies 
tasted their Chinese food with fortitude, and made heroic ef- 
forts to utilize the chopsticks. The Chinese ladies partook 
only of their own food. The hostess kept up a conversation 
with all the ladies. First she asked each one her age, which in 
China is the polite thing to do. I have no information as to the 
responses elicited by this inquiry, the sources of my knowledge 
failing at this point. Then questions were asked as to the 
number of children in the families of the married ladies, and the 
age of each child. The younger Chinese ladies of the party 
sat at the other end of the table, and having no interpreter 
made themselves understood by signs — by graceful little ges- 
tures of the hand, nods, questioning eyes. It is wonderful how 
much talk can be done by pantomime, and the Chinese ladies 
with their quick intelligence soon found themselves in earnest 
conversation with their European friends. During the dinner 
there was a Chinese Punch and Judy show, and the noise of 
this entertainment, with the chatter of the servants, and the 
curious gazing crowd who never left the doors and windows, 
made an unceasing din. China has democratic customs and 
privileges which are never invaded. Whenever General Grant 
and party dined as the guest of a Chinaman, in Canton, or 
Shanghai, or Tientsin, it was always in presence of a multitude. 
If the people were to have the doors closed upon them, even 
the doors of the Viceroy, it would make trouble. And now, of 
all days in the calendar of China, this day when female barba- 
rians are welcomed to a nobleman's house, it is important that 
all the world should stand by and see the wonder. 

The hostess, with a gesture and smile of welcome, drank 
from her cup of warm wine a toast to her friends. The ladies 
sipped their wine in response. This astonished the hostess, 
who had been told that it was the custom of barbarian ladies to 
drink their glasses dry. But it was explained that while some 
ambitious gentlemen in foreign society ventured upon such ex- 



- •' :,.,. 

periments the ladies never did. Tiie hostess wondered at this, 
and seemed to think that somehow it would be more like what 
she had heard if the ladies drank more champagne, if they 
drained their glasses and turned them upside down. Then the 
jewels were passed from hand to hand to be examined by the 
Chinese ladies. This study of jewelry, of diamond and emer- 
ald, of ruby and 
' ■ ■ - • . v:;^,„,..v turquoise, occupied 

most of the time 
that remained to 
the dinner. Once 
or twice the tall 
form of the Vice- 
roy could be ob- 
served looking over 
the heads of the 
crowd to see how 
his wife and her 
foreign friends were 
enjoying t h e m - 
selves. When ob- 
served his Excel- 
1 e n c y withdrew. 
Although not ap- 
pearing during the 
dinner, nor at the 
reception before, 
the Viceroy was 
now and then seen moving about among the curious gazers, 
evidently anxious about his feast, anxious that nothing should 
be wanting in honor of his guests. 

After the dinner the party went into another room. Here 
was a piano which had been brought from the foreign settle- 
ment. This was a new delight to the hostess, who had never 
seen a piano, and she expressed her pleasure and surprise. 
One of the pieces was a waltz, a merry German waltz, and two 
of the ladies went through the measures, giving variety to the 




dance by balancing separately with one arm akimbo, the oth- 
er holding up the skirt, then twirling away to different parts 
of the room and coming together again. This revelation 
of barbarian customs created great astonishment, and when 
the dance stopped there was a chorus of approbation from 
the Chinese, as if they had discovered a new pleasure in the 
world, the hostess nodding and smiling with more energy of 
manner than she had shown during the evening. This per- 
formance was witnessed by the Viceroy, who perhaps had his 
own thoughts as a far-seeing statesman as to what China 
would become if German music ever found its way into Chi- 
nese households, and mothers and maidens gave way to the 
temptations of the waltz. There were snatches of singing, 
one of the ladies who had an expressive voice warbling 
some roundelay from the Tyrol. This created another sen- 
sation, and was so new, and strange, and overwhelming that 
the Chinese maiden in the dazzling pink jacket lost her Ori- 
ental composure and gave a faint start and laughed, and 
fearing she had committed some breach of propriety, sud- 
denly recovered herself and coyly looked about to see if she 
had in any way given offense to her barbarian guests. The 
hostess, however, sat by the side of Mrs. Grant during the 
whole performance, and looked on as calmly at these strange 
phenomena of an unknown civilization as if she had known the 
waltz and heard Tyrolean ditties all her days. The hostess, with 
high-bred courtesy, always arose when her guests did, and never 
sat down until they were seated. The feet of the Chinese 
ladies were extremely small — scarcely more than two or three 
inches long — and when they walked it was with difficulty, and 
only by the aid of the waiting-women who walked behind. A 
Chinese lady of rank does nothing without the aid of servants. 
If she wishes to take a handkerchief out of her pockets a ser- 
vant performs the office. But during the whole evening, at 
every phase of the reception and the entertainment, the hostess 
showed a self-possession and courtesy that might have been 
learned in the drawing-rooms of Saint Germain. She took 
pains to show attention to every one. When the time came to 


leave she went with Mrs. Grant to her chair. When the others 
left she took her leave of them at the door, and they parted 
with good wishes and polite little speeches of thanks and 
welcome. A little rain began to fall as the guests went away. 
And as the country was suffering for rain, and priests had 
been to the temples to invoke divine propitiation in behalf of 
the harvests, the rain came as an omen and a blessing, and the 
hostess rubbed her hands with glee and laughed joyously as 
though heaven had sent the rain as a benediction upon her 



feast. Amid the hum of voices, the obeisance of courtiers, the 
din of the Punch and Judy show, and the fragrant sandal-wood 
incense, the party went out into the open courtyard, where the 
" Richmond's " band played " Hail Columbia." From thence 
into the dark street and homeward the procession of chairs 
kept its way. When the ladies reached home they found that 
the hostess had marked her appreciation of her guests by giv- 
ing each one a roll of Chinese silk. The gentlemen were wait- 
ing, and it was near midnight when the line of chairs turned 
into the Consulate. 

When the ladies returned from the dinner. General Grant 
and party came immediately on board the " Ashuelot." There 
we said farewell to our kind friends, and said our good-by, as 
lovers are supposed to prefer, under the stars. Our visit had 
been so pleasant, there had been so much grace and courtesy 
and consideration in our reception, that it was with sincere re- 
gret that we said farewell. The Viceroy had sent word that he 
would not take his leave of General Grant until we were on the 
border of his dominions and out at sea. He had gone ahead 
on his yacht, and with a fleet of gun-boats, and would await us 
at the mouth of the river and accompany the General on board 
of the " Richmond." We left our moorings at three in the morn- 
ing, and were awakened by the thunder of the guns from the 
forts. Orders had been given that the forts should fire salutes 
as the General passed, that the troops should parade, and the 
vessels dress with flags. The day was warm and clear, and 
there was Oriental splendor in the scene as we slowly moved 
along the narrow stream and saw the people hurrying from the 



villages to the river side, and the smoke that came from the 
embrasures, and the clumsy, stolid junks teeming with sight- 
seers, the lines of soldiery, and the many-colored pennants flutter- 
ing in the air. The river widened as we came to the sea, and 
about eleven o'clock we came to the viceregal fleet at anchor 
under the guns of the Waku forts. As we passed, every vessel 
manned yards, and all their guns and all the guns from the forts 
thundered a farewell. Two or three miles out we saw the 
tapering masts of the " Richmond," which, after so long a chase, 
had at last found General 
Grant. The " Ashuelot " 
answered the salute and 
steamed over the bar at 
half speed, so as to allow the 
Viceroy's fleet to join us. 
The bar was crossed and the 
blue sea welcomed us, and 
we kept on direct toward 
the "Richmond." In a 
short time the white smoke 
was seen leaping from her 
deck, the sailors rushed 
up to the rigging, and we 
swung around amid the 
thunder of her guns. Then 
Captain Benham came on 
board and was presented 

to General Grant. The Chinese fleet came to an anchor, and 
at noon precisely General Grant passed over the side of the 
" Ashuelot." On reaching the " Richmond " the General was 
received by another salute, all the officers being on deck in full 
uniform. The American ensign was run up at the fore and 
another salute was fired, the Chinese vessels joining. 

After the General had been received the bargre was sent to 
the Viceroy's boat, and in a few minutes was seen returning 
with Li Hung Chang, followed by other boats carrying the 
high officers of his government. General Grant received the 



Viceroy, and again the yards were manned and a salute of 
nineteen guns was fired. The Viceroy and his suite were 
shown into the cabin. Tea was served, and Li Hung Chang 
having expressed a desire to see the vessel, he was taken into 
every part, and gave its whole arrangement, and especially 
the guns, a minute inspection. The working of the large 
guns especially interested him, and Captain Bonham ordered 
a special drill, so as to show his Excellency the manner in 
which Americans worked these engines of our sinister civil- 
ization. The crew's quarters, the store-rooms, the sick bay, 
the engines, all the machinery were examined, and not with 
the curiosity of an idle sightseer, but with the interest of 
intelligence, as one anxious to know, and know thoroughly. 
The inspection lasted for an hour, and the Viceroy returned to 
the cabin to take his leave. He seemed loath to go, and 
remained in conversation for some time. General Grant ex- 
pressed his deep sense of the honor which had been done him, 
and his pleasure at having met the Viceroy. He urged the 
Viceroy to make a visit to the United States, and in a few ear- 
nest phrases repeated his hope that the statesmen of China 
would persevere in a policy which brought them nearer to our 
civilization — a policy that would give new greatness to China, 
enable them to control the fearful famines that devastated 
China, and secure the nation's independence. He repeated his 
belief that there could be no true independence unless China 
availed herself of the agencies which gave prestige to other 
nations, and with which she had been so largely endowed by 
Providence. The Viceroy was friendly, almost affectionate. 
He hoped that General Grant would not forget him ; said that he 
would like to meet the General now and then, and prayed that if 
China needed the General's counsel he would give it. He feared 
he could not visit foreign lands, and regretted that he had not done 
so in earlier years. He spoke of the friendship of the United 
States as dear to China, and again commended to the General 
and the American people the Chinese who had gone to America. 
It made his heart sore to hear of their ill usage, and he de- 
pended upon the justice and honor of our government for their 


protection. He again alluded to the Looclioo question with 
Japan, and begged that General Grant would speak to the Ja- 
panese Emperor, and in securing justice remove a cloud from 
Asia, which threw an ominous shadow over the East. The Gen- 
eral bade the Viceroy farewell, and said he would not forget 
what had been said, and that he would always think of the Vice- 
roy with friendship and esteem. So we parted, Li Hung Chang 
departing amid the roar of our cannon and the manning of the 
yards, while the " Richmond " slowly pushed her prow into the 
rippling waves and steamed along to Japan. 
Vol. u.— 28 




S soon as the Viceroy took his leave, the " Ricii- 
mond" steamed slowly up the coast, for the purpose 
of visiting the Great Wall of China. It had been 
proposed to make this journey overland, and see 
also the tombs of the Ming dynasty. But we were under the 
cruel stress of unusually warm weather, and our journeys to the 
Temple of Heaven, the city walls, and other temples, had been 
attended with unusual discomfort. It was our good fortune to 
have a smooth sea, and when the morning came we found our- 
selves steaming slowly along the shores of Northern China. 
Navigation in the China seas is always a problem, and the coast 
along which we were sailing is badly surveyed. As a general 
thing, so carefully has science mapped and tracked the ocean 
that you have only to seek counsel from a vagrant, wandering 
star, and you will be able to tell to the minute when some hill 



or promontory will rise out of the waves. There was no such 
comfort on the China coast, and the " Richmond" had to feel 
her way, to grope along the coast and find the Great Wall as 
best we could. Fortunately the day was mild and clear, and we 
could steam close to shore. All the morning we sailed watcli- 
ing the shore, the brown, receding hills, the leaping, jutting 
masses of rock, the bits of greenery that seemed to rejoice in 
the sun, the fishing villages in houses of clay that run toward 
the shore. It was a lonely sea. Heretofore, in our cruise on 
the China coast, we had been burdened with company. The 
coasting track is so large that junks were always in sight, junks 
and fishing-boats and all manner of strange, clumsy craft. If 
you are used to travel on the vast seas, where a sail a week is 
a rapture, this presence of many ships is a consolation. It 
takes away the selfishness of sea life and makes you think that 
you are a part of the real world. But it is at the same time a 
trial to the sailor. The junk is an awkward, stupid trap, and 
always crossing your bows or edging up against you. The 
Chinaman thinks it good luck to cross your bows, and if he 
can do so with a narrow shave, just giving you a clip with his 
rudder as he passes, he has had a joyous adventure. While 
creeping up the China coast we were always on the watch for 
junks, but never ran one down. It was trying, however, to 
naval patience, and we found it so much better to be alone on 
the sea and look for our Great Wall as well as we could, undis- 
turbed by the heedlessness of Chinese mariners. 

About two o'clock in the afternoon Lieutenant Sperry, the 
navigator, had an experience that must have reminded him of 
Columbus discoverincr America. He had found the Great 
Wall. By careful looking through the glasses, in time we saw 
it — a thick, brown, irregular line that crumbled into the sea. 
The " Richmond" steamed toward the beach, and so gracious 
was the weather that we were able to anchor within a mile of 
shore. All the boats were let down, and as many as could be 
spared from the vessel went ashore — the captain, the ofificers, 
sailors in their blue; tidy uniforms, and an especial sailor with a 
pot of white paint to inscribe the fact that the " Richmond " 



had visited the Great Wall. The Great Wall is the only 
monument I have seen which could be improved by modern 
sacrilege, and which could be painted over and plastered with- 
out compunctions of conscience. From what I read of this 
stupendous achievement it was built under the reign of a 
Chinese emperor who flourished two centuries before Christ. 

This emperor was dis- 
turbed by the con- 
stant invasion of the 
Tartars, a hardy no- 
madic race, who came 
from the hills of 
Mongolia, and plun- 
dered his people, who 
were indeed after- 
ward to come, if only 
the emperor could 
have opened the book 
of fate and known, 
and rule the country 
and found the dy- 
nasty which exists, 
after a fashion, still. 
So his majesty re- 
solved to build a wall 
which should forever 
protect his empire 
from the invader. 
The wall was built, 
and so well was it 
done that here we 
come, wanderers from the antipodes, twenty centuries after, and 
find it still a substantial, imposing, but in the light of modern 
science a useless wall. It is 1,250 miles in length, and it is only 
when you consider that distance and the incredible amount of 
labor it imposed that the magnitude of the work breaks upon 
you. We landed on a smooth, pebbly beach, studded with 



shells which would have rejoiced the children. We found a 
small village and saw the villagers grinding corn. The chil- 
dren, a few beggars, and a blind person came to welcome us. 
The end of the wall, which juts into the sea, has been beaten 
by the waves into a ragged, shapeless condition. There was an 
easy ascent, however, up stone steps. At the top there was a 
small temple, evidently given to pious uses still, for there was 
a keeper who dickered about letting us in, and the walls seemed 
to be in order, clean, and painted. The wall at the site of the 
temple was seventy-five or a hundred feet wide, but this was 
only a special width to accommodate the temple and present 
an imposing presence to the sea. As far as we could see, the 
wall stretched over hill and valley, until it became a line. 
Its average width at the top is from twenty to twenty-five feet. 
At the base it varies from forty feet to a hundred. It is made 
of stone and brick, and, considering that twenty centuries have 
been testing its workmanship, the work was well done. 

As a mere wall there is nothing imposing about the Great 
Wall of China. There are a hundred thousand walls, the world 
over, better built and more useful. What impressed us was 
the infinite patience which could have compassed so vast a la- 
bor. Wonderful are the Pyramids, and wonderful as a dream 
the ruins of Thebes. There you see mechanical results which 
you cannot follow or solve, engineering achievements we could 
not even now repeat. The Great Wall is a marvel of patience. 
I had been reading^ the late Mr Seward's calculation that the 
labor which had built the Great Wall would have built the 
Pacific Railways. General Grant thought that Mr. Seward 
had underrated its extent. " I believe," he said, "that the la- 
bor expended on this wall could have built every railroad in 
the United States, every canal and highway, and most if not 
all of our cities." The story is that millions were employed 
on the wall ; that the work lasted for ten years. I have ceased 
to wonder at a story like this. In the ancient days — the days 
which our good people are always lamenting, and a return to 
which is the prayer of so many virtuous and pious souls — in 
the ancient days, when an emperor had a wall or a pyramid 


to build, he sent out to the fields and hills and gathered in the 
people and made them build on peril of their heads. It re- 
quired an emperor to build the Great Wall. No people would 
ever have done such a thing. When you see the expression 
of a people's power it is in the achievements of the Roman, 
the Greek, and the Englishman — in the achievements of Chi- 
namen when they have been allowed their own way. The 
Great Wall is a monument of the patience of the people and 
the prerogative of a king. It never could have been of much 
use in the most primitive days, and now it is only a curiosity. 
We walked about on the top and studied its simple, massive 
workmanship, and looked upon the plains of Mongolia, over 
which the dreaded Tartar came. On one side of the wall was 
China, on the other Mongolia. We were at the furthest end 
of our journey, and every step now would be toward home. 
There was something like a farewell in the feeling with which 
we looked upon the cold land of mystery which swept on to- 
ward the north — cold and barren even under the warm sun- 
shine. There was something like a welcome in the waves as we 
again greeted them, and knew that the sea upon which we are 
again venturing with the confidence that comes from loner and 
friendly association, would carry us home to America, and 
brighten even that journey with a glimpse of the land of the 
rising sun. 

At five in the afternoon we were under way. The ocean 
settled into a dead calm — a blessing not always vouchsafed in 
the China seas. We ran along all night across the gulf, and 
early in the morning found ourselves at Chefoo. Judge Denny 
had gone ahead, Chefoo being within his consular jurisdiction, 
to see that all preparations were made for the reception of 
General Grant. Chefoo is a port, a summer watering-place for 
the European residents of Shanghai and Tientsin. The bay, 
when we came, was studded with junks, which were massed 
close to the shore. A fleet of gun-boats were drawn up near 
the landing, and were streaming with flags on account of the 
arrival. We landed about eleven, and the barge made a de- 
tour through the fleet. The vessels all fired salutes, and the 

CHEF 00. 


point of debarkation was tastefully decorated. The General 
and Mrs. Grant on landing were met by Consul Denny, the 
vice-consul, Mr. C. L. Simpson, the commissioner of customs, 
and all the foreign residents. The General's party were es- 
corted to a small pavilion, where presentations took place to 
the ladies and gentlemen present. From here there was a pro- 

cession about a quarter 
a mile to the house of the 
vice-consul. The foreign 
settlement and the custom- 
house building were deco- 
rated. Chinese troops from 
the Viceroy's army were 
drawn up on both sides of 
the road. A temporary arch was erected, in which the Amer- 
ican and Chinese flags were intertwined. Mounted Chinese 
ofificers rode ahead, and the General followed after in a chair 
carried by eight bearers. The people of the Chinese town had 
turned out, and amid tlie firing of cannon, the playing of Chi- 
nese music, and the steady, stolid, inquiring gaze of thousands, 



we were carried to the Consulate. Here there was luncheon. 
After luncheon General Grant strolled about the town, and in 
the evening attended a dinner at the house of the customs 
commissioner, Mr. Simpson. At the end of the dinner there 
was a ball, attended by most of the officers of the " Richmond " 
and the " Ashuelot," and the principal residents. There were 
fireworks, lanterns, and illuminations, and the little conserva- 
tive town had quite a holiday. 

At midnight General Grant and party, accompanied by 
Captain Benham, returned on board the " Richmond." There 
was one incident on the return of a novel and picturesque 
character. According to the regulations of the American navy 
no salutes can be fired by men-of-war after the sun goes down. 
But the " Richmond " was to sail as soon as the General em- 
barked, and before the sun arose would be out at sea. So the 
Chinese gun-boats sent word that they would fire twenty-one 
guns as General Grant passed on his barge. The announce- 
ment caused some consternation in the well-ordered minds of 
our naval friends, and there was a grave discussion as to what 
regulations permitted under the circumstances. It would be 
rude to China not to return her salute. There were especial 
reasons for going out of the way to recognize any honor shown 
us by the Chinese. Our mission in those lands, so far as it 
was a mission, was one of peace and courtesy and good-will. 
Captain Benham, with the ready ability and common sense 
which as a naval officer he possesses in an eminent degree, de- 
cided that the courtesy should be honored and answered gun 
for gun, and that in so doing he would be carrying out in spirit, 
at least, the regulations which should govern a naval com- 
mander. So it came to pass that Lieutenant-Commander Clarke 
found himself performing a duty which, I suppose, never before 
devolved upon a naval officer, holding a midnight watch with 
the gun-crew at quarters ready for the signal which was to 
justify him in startling the repose of nature on sea and shore 
with the hoarse and lurid menace of his guns. General Grant's 
launch had hardly moved before the Chinese gun-boats thun- 
dered forth, gun after gun, their terrifying compliment. These 


boats have no saluting batteries, and as the guns fired were of 
heavy caHber, the effect of the fire was starthng. The Gen- 
eral's launch slowly steamed on, the smoke of the guns rolling 
along the surface of the waves and clouding the stars. When 
the last gun was fired there was a pause, and far off in the 
darkness our vessel, like a phantom ship, silent and brooding, 
suddenly took life, and a bolt of fire came from her bows, 
followed swiftly by the sullen roar of the guns. A salute 
of cannon under any circumstances is imposing. There is so 
much sincerity in the voice of a cannon that you listen to it as 
the voice of truth. The power it embodies is pitiless and 
awful, and felt at night, amid the solemn silence of the universe, 
it becomes indescribably grand. I have seen few things more 
impressive than the midnight salute fired at Chefoo in honor 
of General Grant. 

So it came to pass that at midnight, in fire and flame — the 
ancrry echoes leaping from shore to shore, and from hill to hill, 
and over the tranquil waters of a whispering sea — we said fare- 
well to China. Farewell, and again farewell to the land of 
poetry and romance, antiquity and dreams, of so much capacity, 
of so little promise, whose civilization is in some things a won- 
der to us, and in others a reproach. We are but as children 
in the presence of an empire whose population is ten times as 
large as ours, whose dominions are more extensive, whose re- 
cords have gone back unbroken and unquestioned to the ages 
of our mythology, whose influence has been felt in every part 
of the world, whose religion and culture and achievements 
excite the admiration of the learned, and whose conservatism 
has stood th.^ shock and solicitation of every age. Ancient, 
vast, unyielding, impenetrable, China sits enthroned in the soli- 
tude of Asia, remembering that she was in her splendor before 
the Roman empire was born, and that her power has survived 
the mutations of every age. What is her power to-day ? That 
is the question of the nineteenth century, and it is a question 
which cannot be asked too seriously. 

We have had many talks about China among the members 
of our party — many discussions of this Chinese question. Gen- 


eral Grant, during one of these talks, made one or two obser- 
vations worthy, perhaps, of remembrance. " To those who 
travel for the love of travel," said the General, " there is little 
to attract in China or to induce a second visit. My own visit 
has, however, been under the most favorable circumstances for 
seeing the people and studying their institutions. My impres- 
sion is a very favorable one. The Chinese are enduring, pa- 
tient to the last degree, industrious, and have brought living 
down to a minimum. By their shrewdness and economy they 


have monopolized nearly all the carrying trade, coastwise, of 
the East, and are driving out all the other merchants. Through 
India, Malacca, Siam, and the islands from the shores of Africa 
to Japan, they are the mechanics, market gardeners, stevedores, 
small traders, servants, and in all callings that contribute to 
material progress. The Chinese are not a military power, and 
could not defend themselves against even a small European 
power. But they have the elements of a strong, great, and in- 
dependent empire, and may, before many years roll around, 
assert their power. The leading men thoroughly appreciate 


their weakness, but understand the history of Turkey, Egypt, 
and other powers that have made rapid strides toward the new 
civiHzation on borrowed capital and under foreign management 
and control. They know what the result of all that interfer- 
ence has been so far as national independence is concerned. 
The idea of those leading men of China with whom I have 
conversed — and I have seen most of those in the government 
of the empire — is to gradually educate a sufficient number of 
their own people to fill all places in the development of rail- 
roads, manufactories, telegraphs, and all those elements of civili- 
zation so new to them but common and even old with us. Then 
the Chinese, with their own people to do the work, and with 
their own capital, will commence a serious advance. I should 
not be surprised to hear within the next twenty years, if I 
should live so long, more complaints of Chinese absorption of 
the trade and commerce of the world than we hear now of their 
backward position. But before this change there must be a 
marked political change in China. It may even affect the dy- 
nasty, although that will depend upon the dynasty. The pres- 
ent form gives no State powers whatever. It may take off the 
heads of weak offenders or of a few obnoxious persons, but it 
is as weak against outside persons as America would be if 
States rights, as interpreted by Southern Democrats, prevailed. 
There are too many powers within the government to prevent 
the whole from exercising its full strength against a common 

During our trip over the China seas it was pleasant to re- 
sume our conversations on home subjects and home memories. 
I remember a conversation with General Grant on war memen- 
tos, and the theory of some public men in the North that no 
memory of the war- — no monument — should be preserved. " I 
never saw a war picture," said the General, "that was pleasant. 
I tried to enjoy some of those in Versailles, but they were dis- 
gusting. At the same time, there was nothing in our war to 
be ashamed of, and I believe in cherishing the memories of the 
war so far as they recall the sacrifices of our people for the 
Union. Personally, I have reason to be more than satisfied 



with the estimate the American people have placed upon my 
services. I see no reason for dissatisfaction on the part of any 
of the chiefs of the army. But the South has been kinder to 
her soldiers than the North to those who composed her armies. 
In the South there is no surer way to public esteem than to 
have served in the army. In the North it is different. If you 
look at the roll of Conofress, 
you will find that the list of 
Confederate ofificers has been 
steadily increasing, while 


list of Federal ofificers has decreased. I can only recall two 
senators who had any rank in our army, Burnside and Logan. 
In the House there are very few — Banks, Butler, and Garfield 
are all that occur to me. It makes one melancholy to see this 
diminishing roll. While I would do nothing to revive un- 
happy memories in the South, I do not like to see our soldiers 


apologize for the war. Apart from the triumph of the Union, 
and the emancipation of the slaves, one of the great results 
of the war was the position it gave us as a nation among the* 
nations of the world. That I have seen every day during my 
residence abroad, and to me it is one of the most gratifying 
results of the war. That alone was worth making a great 
sacrifice for." 

" When I took command of the army," said General Grant 
on one occasion, " I had a dream that I tried to realize — to re- 
unite and recreate the whole army, I talked it over with Sher- 
man. Sherman and I knew so many fine, brave officers. We 
knew them in West Point and the army. We had the sym- 
pathy of former comradeship. Neither Sherman nor I had 
been in any way concerned in Eastern troubles, and we knew 
that there were no better soldiers in the army than some of 
those who were under a cloud with Mr. Stanton. Then I 
wanted to make the war as national as possible, to bring in all 
parties. I was anxious especially to conciliate and recognize 
the Democratic element. The country belonged as well to the 
Democrats as to us, and I did not believe in a Republican war. 
I felt that we needed every musket and every sword to put 
down the rebellion. So when I came East I came prepared and 
anxious to assign McClellan, Buell, and others to command. I 
had confidence in their ability and loyalty, confidence which, 
notwithstanding our differences in politics, has never faltered. 
But I was disappointed." 

The question was asked as to whether Lincoln's adminis- 
tration prevented General Grant from carrying out this pur- 
pose. " Not at all," said the General, " the difificulties were 
not with the administration. The generals were not in a humor 
to be conciliated. I soon saw my plan was not feasible, and 
gave it up. I was very sorry, as I should have liked to have 
had McClellan and Buell, and others I could name, in im- 
portant commands. 

" In looking back at the war," said the General, " it seems 
most unfortunate both for themselves and the country that 
these officers should not have made the place in the war which 



their abilities would have commanded, and that they should not 
have rendered their country the service which every soldier is 
proud to do. I have always regretted that. We had work for 
everybody during the war, for those especially who knew the 
business. What interfered with our officers more than anything 
else was allowing themselves a political bias. That is fatal to a 
soldier. War and politics are so difTerent. I remember my 
own feelings about the war when it commenced. I could not 
endure the thought of the Union separating. When I was in 
St. Louis the year before Lincoln's election, it made my blood 
run cold to hear friends of mine. Southern men — as many of 
my friends were — deliberately discuss the dissolution of the 
Union as though it were a tariff 'bill. I could not endure it. 
The very thought of it was a pain. I wanted to leave the coun- 
try if disunion was accomplished. I could not have lived in 
the country. It was this feeling that impelled me to volunteer. 
I was a poor man, with a family. I never thought of com- 
mands or battles. I only wanted to fight for the Union. That 
feeling carried me through the war. I never felt any special 
pleasure in my promotions. I was naturally glad when they 
came. But I never thought of it. The only promotion that I 
ever rejoiced in was when I was made major-general in the 
regular army. I was happy over that, because it made me the 
junior major-general, and I hoped, when the war was over, 
that I could live in California. I had been yearning for the 
opportunity to return to California, and I saw it in that pro- 
motion. When I was given a higher command, I was sorry, 
because it involved a residence in Washington, which, at that 
time, of all places in the country I disliked, and it dissolved my 
hopes of a return to the Pacific coast. I came to like Washing- 
ton, however, when I knew it. My only feeling in the war was 
a desire to see it over and the rebellion suppressed. I do not 
remember ever to have considered the possibility of a dissolu- 
tion. It never entered into my head, for instance, to con- 
sider the terms we should take from the South if beaten. I 
never heard Mr. Lincoln allude to such a thing, and I do not 
think he ever considered it. When the commissioners came 



to Hampton Roads to talk peace, he said peace could only be 
talked about on the basis of the restoration of the Union and 
the abolition of slavery. That was my only platform, and 
whenever generals went beyond that to talk of conciliation, 
and hurting brethren, and States rights, and so on, they made 
a fatal blunder. A soldier has no right to consider these things. 
His duty is to destroy 
his enemy as quickly 
as possible. I never 
knew a case of an 
officer who went into 
the war with political 
ideas wiio succeeded. 
I do not mean Dem- 
ocratic ideas alone, 
but Republican as 
well. The generals 
who insisted upon 
writing emancipation 
proclamations, and 
creating new theories 
of State governments, 
and invading Canada, 
all came to grief as 
surely as those who 
believed that the 
main object of the 
war was to protect 
rebel property, and 

keep the negroes at work on the plantations while their mas- 
ters were off in the rebellion. I had my views on all of these 
subjects, as decided as any man, but I never allowed them to 
influence me. 

" With a soldier the flag is paramount," said the General. 
"I know the struggle with my conscience during the Mexican 
War. I have never altogether forgiven myself for going into 
that. I had very strong opinions on the subject. I do not 




think there was ever a more wicked war than that waged by 
the United States on Mexico. I thought so at the time, when 
I was a youngster, only I had not moral courage enough to re- 
sign. I had taken an oath to serve eight years, unless sooner 
discharged, and I considered my supreme duty was to my flag. 
I had a horror of the Mexican War, and I have always believed 
that it was on our part most unjust. The wickedness was not 
in the way our soldiers conducted it, but in the conduct of our 
government in declaring war. The troops behaved well in 
Mexico, and the government acted handsomely about the 
peace. We had no claim on Mexico. Texas had no claim be- 
yond the Nueces River, and yet we pushed on to the Rio 
Grande and crossed it. I am always ashamed of my country 
when I think of that invasion. Once in Mexico, however, and 
the people, those who had property, were our friends. We 
could have held Mexico, and made it a permanent section of 
the Union with the consent of all classes whose consent was 
worth having. Overtures were made to Scott and Worth to 
remain in the country with their armies. The Mexicans are a 
good people. They live on little and work hard. They suffer 
from the influence of the Church, which, while I was in Mexico 
at least, was as bad as could be. The Mexicans were good 
soldiers, but badly commanded. The country is rich, and if 
the people could be assured a good government, they would 
prosper. See what we have made of Texas and California — 
empires. . There are the same materials for new empires in 
Mexico. I have always had a deep interest in Mexico and her 
people, and have always wished them well. I suppose the fact 
that I served there as a young man, and the impressions the 
country made upon my young mind, have a good deal to do 
with this. When I was in London, talking with Lord Beacons- 
field, he spoke of Mexico. He said he wished to heaven we 
had taken the country, that England would not like anything 
better than to see the United States annex it. I suppose that 
will be the future of the country. Now that slavery is out of 
the way there could be no better future for Mexico than absorp- 
tion in the United States. But it would have to come, as San 



Domingo tried to come, by the free will of the people. I would 
not fire a gun to annex territory. I consider it too great a 
privilege to belong to the United States for us to go around 
gunning for new territories. Then the question of annexa- 


tion means the question of suffrage, and that becomes more 
and more serious every day with us. That is one of the grave 
problems of our future. 

" When the Mexican War broke out," said the General, " my 
ambition was to become an assistant professor of mathematics 

VOL. II. — 29 


in West Point. I think I would have been appointed. But so 
many ofificers from my regiment had been assigned to other 
duties that it was nearly stripped, and although I should have 
been glad to have found an honorable release from serving in 
a war which I detested and deplored as much as I did our war 
with Mexico, I had not the heart to press the matter. But in 
that day conduct counted against a cadet to such a degree that 
any special excellence in study would be affected by the man- 
ner in which he tied his shoes. ' Conduct ' did not mean neces- 
sarily bad, immoral conduct, but late rising, negligence in dress, 
and so on. Schofield is one of the best mathematicians in the 
country, and in other respects a very superior man. Yet his 
marks in conduct kept him down. The same with Sheridan. 
Poor Sheridan was put back a year in his course for a row with 
one of his cadets, and was so low in conduct that in the end he 
only squeezed through. This conduct rule was an injustice in 
its old operation ; and one reason why I assigned Schofield to 
command West Point was, that knowing how the rule worked 
in his day, and against so able a man as himself, he might 
amend it. I think W^est Point is the best school in the world. 
I do not mean the highest grade, but the most thorough in its 
discipline. A boy to go through four years in West Point, 
must have the essential elements of a strong, manly character. 
Lacking any of these he must fail. I hear army men say their 
happiest days were at West Point. I never had that experi- 
ence. The most trying days in my life were those I spent 
there, and I never recall them with pleasure. 

" I was never more delighted at anything," said the Gen- 
eral, " than the close of the war. I never liked service in the 
army — not as a young officer. I did not want to go to West 
Point. My appointment was an accident, and my father had 
to use his authority to make me go. If I could have escaped 
West Point without bringing myself into disgrace at home, I 
would have done so. I remember about the time I entered 
the academy there were debates in Congress over a proposal 
to abolish West Point. I used to look over the papers, and 
read the Congress reports with eagerness, to see the progress 



the bill made, and hoping to hear that the school had been 
abolished, and that I could go home to my father without be- 
ing in disgrace. 1 never went into a battle willingly or with 
enthusiasm. I was always glad when a battle was over. I 
never want to command another army. I take no interest in 


armies. When the Duke of Cambridge asked me to review 
his troops at Aldershott I told his Royal Highness that the 
one thing I never wanted to see again was a military parade. 
When I resigned from the army and went to a farm I was 
happy. When the rebellion came I returned to the service 
because it was a duty. I had no thought of rank ; all I did 
was to try and make myself useful. My first commission as 


brigadier came in tlie unanimous indorsement of the delegation 
from Illinois. I do not think I knew any of the members but 
Washburne, and I did not know him very well. It was only 
after Donelson that I began to see how important was the 
work that Providence devolved upon me. And yet after Donel- 
son I was in disgrace and under arrest, and practically without 
a command, because of some misunderstanding on the part of 
Halleck. It all came right in 'time. I never bore Halleck 
ill will for it, and we remained friendly. He was in command, 
and it was his duty to command as he pleased. But I hardly 
know what would have come of it, as far as I was concerned, 
had not the country interfered. You see Donelson was our 
first clear victory, and you will remember the enthusiasm that 
came with it. The country saved me from Halleck's displeasure. 
When other commands came I always regretted them. When 
the bill creating the grade of Lieutenant-General was proposed, 
with my name as the Lieutenant-General, I wrote Mr. Wash- 
burne opposing it. I did not want it. I found that the bill 
was right and I was wrong, when I came to command the 
Army of the Potomac — that a head was needed to the army. 
I did not want the Presidency, and have never quite forgiven 
myself for resigning the command of the army to accept it ; 
but it could not be helped. I owed my honors and opportuni- 
ties to the Republican party, and if my name could aid it I was 
bound to accept. The second nomination was almost due to 
me — if I may use the phrase — because of the bitterness of po- 
litical and personal opponents. My re-election was a great 
gratification, because it showed me how the country felt. Then 
came all the discussions about the third term. I gave my views 
on that in my letters to Senator White, of Pennsylvania. It is 
not known, however, how strongly I was pressed to enter tlie 
canvass as a candidate. I was waited upon formally by a dis- 
tinguished man, representing the influences that would have 
controlled the Republicans in the South, and asked to allow 
my name to be used. This request was supported by men in 
the Northern States whose position and character are unques- 
tioned. I said then that under no circumstances would I be- 


come a candidate. Even if a nomination and an election were 
assured I would not run. The nomination, if I ran, would be 
after a strucrorle, and before it had been unanimous. The elec- 
tion, if I should win, would be after a struggle, and the result 
would be far different from what it was before. If I succeeded, 
and tried to do my best, my very best, I should still have a 
crippled administration. This was the public view. I never 
had any illusions on the subject, never allowed myself to be 
swayed for an instant from my purpose. The pressure was 
great. But personally I was weary of office. I never wanted 
to get out of a place as much as I did to get out of the Presi- 
dency. For sixteen years, from the opening of the war, it had 
been a constant strain upon rne. So when the third term was 
seriously presented to me I peremptorily declined it." 




HERE was no special incident on our journey from 
Chefoo, except on the morning of June i8th, when 
the sea rose and the wind became a gale. We had 
had so much good weather since we left Marseilles, 
that when we came on deck and saw a white, frothing sea, the 
thermometer going down, and Captain Benham leaning over 
the rail and looking anxiously at the clouds, we were not in a 
critical but a grateful mood, for has it not been written that 
into all lives some rain must fall — some days be dark and 
dreary? At dinner in the ward-room one of my naval friends 
had expressed a disgust at the condition of the weather, saying 
that if these calm seas continued, our grandparents would take 
to a seafaring life, as the most comfortable way of spending 
their declining years. Captain Benham watched the storm for 



an hour, and then sent word to the " Ashuelot," which was in 
our rear, to run for a harbor. Our storm was a circular 
cyclone, a species of tempest that sometimes prevails in these 
seas. We were on the edge of it, and by moderating our 
pace, and keeping out of its way, we avoided its fury. By 
seven o'clock Lieutenant Patch came in from the watch with 
the cheerful news that the thermometer was going up and the 
sea was going down. In the morning all was clear and calm 
again, and we rejoiced in the sunshine and looked for the 
green shores of Japan. 

I again take advantage of the pleasant hours of sailing over 
a calm sea to recall my memories of the conversations with 
General Grant. 

Here before me is the narrative of Lee's surrender: "On 
the night before Lee's surrender," said General Grant, " 1 had 
a wretched headache — headaches to which I have been subject 
— nervous prostration, intense personal suffering. But, suffer or 
not, I had to keep moving. I saw clearly, especially after Sheri- 
dan had cut off the escape to Danville, that Lee must surrender 
or break and run into the mountains — break in all directions and 
leave us a dozen guerilla bands to fight. The object of my cam- 
paign was not Richmond, not the defeat of Lee in actual fight, 
but to remove him and his army out of the contest, and, if pos- 
sible, to have him use his influence in inducing the surrender 
of Johnston and the other isolated armies. You see the war 
was an enormous strain upon the country. Rich as we were 
I do not now see how we could have endured it another year, 
even from a financial point of view. So with these views I 
wrote Lee, and opened the correspondence with which the 
world is familiar. Lee does not appear well in that corre- 
spondence, not nearly so well as he did in our subsequent in- 
terviews, where his whole bearing was that of a patriotic and 
gallant soldier, concerned alone for the welfare of his army and 
his state. I received word that Lee would meet me at a point 
within our lines near Sheridan's head-quarters. I had to ride 
quite a distance through a muddy country. I remember now 
that I was concerned about my personal appearance. I had an 



old suit on, without my sword, and without any distinguishing 
mark of rank except the shoulder-straps of a lieutenant-gen- 
eral on a woolen blouse. I was splashed with mud in my long 
ride. I was afraid Lee might think I meant to show him 
studied discourtesy by so coming — at least I thought so. But I 
had no other clothes within reach, as Lee's letter found me 



away from my base of supplies. 
I kept on riding until I met 
Sheridan. The general, who 
was one of the heroes of the 
campaign, and whose pursuit of 
Lee was perfect in its general- 
ship and energy, told me where to find Lee. I remember that 
Sheridan was impatient when I met him, anxious and suspicious 
about the whole business, feared there might be a plan to es- 
cape, that he had Lee at his feet, and wanted to end the busi- 
ness by going in and forcing an absolute surrender by capture. 
In fact, he had his troops ready for such an assault when Lee's 


white flag came within his Hues. I went up to the house where 
Lee was waiting. I found him in a fine, new, splendid uni- 
form, which only recalled my anxiety as to my own clothes 
while on my way to meet him. I expressed my regret that I 
was compelled to meet him in so unceremonious a manner, and 
he replied that the only suit he had available was one which 
had been sent him by some admirers in Baltimore, and which 
he then wore for the first time. We spoke of old friends in 
the army. I remembered having seen Lee in Mexico. He 
was so much higher in rank than myself at the time that I 
supposed he had no recollection of me. But he said he re- 
membered me very well. We talked of old times and ex- 
changed inquiries about friends. Lee then broached the sub- 
ject of our meeting. I told him my terms, and Lee, listening 
attentively, asked me to write them down. I took out my 
' manifold ' order-book and pencil and wrote them down. Gen- 
eral Lee put on his glasses and read them over. The condi- 
tions gave the officers their side-arms, private horses, and per- 
sonal baggage. I said to Lee that I hoped and believed this 
would be the close of the war ; that it was most important 
that the men should go home and go to work, and the govern- 
ment would not throw any obstacles in the way. Lee answered 
that it would have a most happy effect, and accepted the terms. 
I handed over my penciled memorandum to an aide to put into 
ink, and we resumed our conversation about old times and friends 
in the armies. Various officers came in — Longstreet, Gordon, 
Pickett, from the South ; Sheridan, Ord, and others from our 
side. Some were old friends — Longstreet and myself, for in- 
stance, and we had a general talk. Lee no doubt expected me 
to ask for his sword, but I did not want his sword. It would 
only," said the General, smiling, " have gone to the Patent 
Office to be worshiped by the Washington rebels. There 
was a pause, when General Lee said that most of the ani- 
mals in his cavalry and artillery were owned by the pri- 
vates, and he would like to know, under the terms, whether 
they would be regarded as private property or the property 
of the government. I said that under the terms of surrender 


they belonged to the government. General Lee read over the 
letter and said that was so. 1 then said to the general that I 
believed and hoped this was the last battle of the war ; that I 
saw the wisdom of these men getting home and to work as 
soon as possible, and that I would give orders to allow any 
soldier or officer claiming a horse or a mule to take it. Gen- 
eral Lee showed some emotion at this — a feeling which I also 
shared — and said it would have a most happy effect. The 
interview ended, and I gave orders for rationing his troops. 
The next day I met Lee on horseback and we had a long talk. 
In that conversation I urged upon Lee the wisdom of ending 
the war by the surrender of the other armies. I asked him 
to use his influence with the people of the South — an influence 
that was supreme — to bring the war to an end. General Lee 
said that his campaign in Virginia was the last organized re- 
sistance which the South was capable of making — that I might 
have to march a good deal and encounter isolated commands 
here and there ; but there was no longer any army which could 
make a stand. I told Lee that this fact only made his respon- 
sibility greater, and any further war would be a crime. I asked 
him to go among the Southern people and use his influence to 
have all men under arms surrender on the same terms given to 
the army of Northern Virginia. He replied he could not do 
so without consultation with President Davis. I was sorry. 
I saw that the Confederacy had gone beyond the reach of 
President Davis, and that there was nothing that could be done 
except what Lee could do to benefit the Southern people. I 
was anxious to get them home and have our armies go to their 
homes and fields. But Lee would not move without Davis, 
and as a matter of fact at that time, or soon after, Davis was 
a fugitive in the woods." 

This led to a remark as to the great and universal fame of 
Lee — especially in Europe — a reputation which seemed to 
grow every day. 

" I never ranked Lee as high as some others of the army," 
said the General, " that is to say, I never had as much anxiety 
when he was in my front as when Joe Johnston was in front. 



Lee was a good man, a fair commander, who had everything 
in his favor. He was a man who needed sunshine. He was 
supported by the unanimous voice of the South ; he was sup- 
ported by a large party in the North ; he had the support and 
sympathy of the outside world. All this is of an immense 
advantage to a general. Lee had this in a remarkable degree. 
Everything he did was right. He was treated like a demi-god. 
Our generals had a hostile press, lukewarm friends, and a pub- 
lic opinion outside. The crj^ was in the air that the North 


only won by brute force ; that the generalship and valor were 
with the South. This has gone into history, with so many 
other illusions that are historical. Lee was of a slow, conser- 
vative, cautious nature, without imagination or humor, always 
the same, with grave dignity. I never could see in his achieve- 
ments what justifies his reputation. The illusion that nothing 
but heavy odds beat him will not stand the ultimate light of 
history. I know it is not true. Lee was a good deal of a 
head-quarters general ; a desk general, from what I can hear, 
and from what his officers say. He was almost too old for 


active service — the best service in the field. At the time of the 
surrender he was fifty-eight or fifty-nine and I was forty-three. 
His ofificers used to say that he posed himself, that he was re- 
tiring and exclusive, and that his head-quarters were difficult 
of access. I remember when the commissioners came through 
our lines to treat, just before the surrender, that one of them 
remarked on the great difference between our head-quarters 
and Lee's. I always kept open house at head-quarters, so far 
as the army was concerned. 

" My anxiety," said the General, " for some time before 
Richmond fell was lest Lee should abandon it. My pursuit of 
Lee was hazardous. I was in a position of extreme difficulty. 
You see I was marching away from my supplies, while Lee was 
falling back on his supplies. If Lee had continued his flight 
another day I should have had to abandon the pursuit, fall 
back to Danville, build the railroad, and feed my army. So 
far as supplies were concerned, I was almost at my last gasp 
when the surrender took place." 

- The writer recalled a rumor, current at the time, about the 
intention of President Johnson to arrest Lee. " Yes," said the 
General, " Mr. Johnson had made up his mind to arrest Lee and 
the leading Southern ofificers. It was in the beginning of his 
administration, when he was making speeches saying he had 
resolved to make all treason odious. He was addressing dele- 
gations on the subject, and ofifering rewards for Jefferson Davis 
and others. Upon Lee's arrest he had decided. I protested 
again and again. It finally came up in Cabinet, and the only 
Minister who supported my views openly was Seward. I 
always said the parole of Lee protected him as long as he ob- 
served it. On one occasion Mr. Johnson spoke of Lee, and 
wanted to know why any military commander had a right to 
protect an arch-traitor from the laws. I was angry at this, and 
I spoke earnestly and plainly to the President. I said, that as 
General, it was none of my business what he or Congress did 
with General Lee or his other commanders. He might do as 
he pleased about civil rights, confiscation of property, and so 
on. That did not come in my province. But a general com- 



manding troops has certain responsibilities and duties and 
power, which are supreme. He must deal with the enemy in 
front of him so as to destroy him. He may either kill him, 
capture him, or parole him. His engagements are sacred so 
far as they lead to the destruction of the foe. I had made certain 
terms with Lee — the best and only terms. If I had told him 
and his army that their liberty would be invaded, that they 
would be open to arrest, trial, and execution for treason, Lee 
would never have surrendered, and we should have lost many 
lives in destroying him. Now my terms of surrender were 
according to military law, and so long as Lee was observing 
his parole I would never consent to his arrest. Mr. Seward 
nodded approval. I remember feeling very strongly on the 
subject. The matter was allowed to die out. I should have 
resigned the command of the army rather than have carried out 
any order directing me to arrest Lee or any of his commanders 
who obeyed the laws. By the way, one reason why Mosby 
became such a friend of mine was because as General I gave 
him a safe-conduct to allow him to practice law and earn a 
living. Our officers in Virginia used to arrest leading Con- 
federates whenever they moved out of their homes. Mrs. 
Mosby went to Mr. Johnson and asked that her husband might 
be allowed to earn his living. But the President was in a furious 
mood, and told her treason must be made odious, and so on. 
She came to me in distress, and I gave the order to allow 
Mosby to pass and repass freely. I had no recollection of this 
until Mosby called it to my attention. Mosby deserves great 
credit for his sacrifices in the cause of the Union. He is an 
honest, brave, conscientious man, and has suffered severely for 
daring to vote as he pleased among people who hailed him as 
a hero and in whose behalf he risked his life. 

" I was anxious to pardon Breckenridge," said the Gen- 
eral, " during my administration, but when I mentioned the 
matter to some of my colleagues of the Senate, I found it 
could not be done. Breckenridge was most anxious to restore 
the Union to good relations. He was among the last to go 
over to the South, and was rather dragged into the position. 


1 believe the influence of a man like Breckenridge in Kentucky 
would have been most beneficial. I talked with my father a 
good deal about it — he knew a good deal about Kentucky poli- 
tics. I thought if we pardoned Breckenridge, he could become 
a candidate for governor, not on the Republican but on the 
Anti-Bourbon ticket. The influence of a man like Breckenridge, 

at the time, would have been 
most useful, but our Republican 
friends would not let me do it. That was one of the cases 
where the President had little influence in the administration." 
An allusion was made to the feeling in the South that Jef- 
ferson Davis was an injury to the Confederacy, and did not do 
his best. " I never thought so," said the General. Davis did his 
best, did all that any man could do, to save the Confederacy. 
This argument is like some of the arguments current in his- 


tory — that the war was a war against windmills ; that if one 
man or another had been in authority the result would have 
been different ; that some more placable man than Davis could 
have made a better fight. This is not true. The war was a 
tremendous war, as no one knows better than those who were 
in it. Davis did all he could, and all any man could, for the 
South. The South was beaten from the beginning. There 
was no victory possible for any government resting upon the 
platform of the Southern Confederacy. Just as soon as the 
war united and aroused the young men of the North, and called 
out the national feeling, there was no end but the end that 
came. Davis did all he could for his side, and how much he 
did no one knows better than those who were in the field. I do 
not see any evidence of great military ability in the executive 
conduct of the war on the part of the South. How far Davis 
interfered I don't know. I am told he directed Hood's move- 
ments in the West. If he did so, he could not have done us 
a greater service. But that was an error of judgment. As 
President, I see nothing in his administration to show that he 
was false to his side, or feeble in defending it. Davis is en- 
titled to every honor bestowed on the South for gallantry and 
persistence. The attacks upon him from his old followers are 
ignoble. The South fell because it was defeated. Lincoln 
destroyed it, not Davis. 

" Speaking of McClellan," said the General, " I should say 
that the two disadvantages under which he labored were his 
receiving a high command before he was ready for it, and the 
political sympathies which he allowed himself to champion. It 
is a severe blow to any one to begin so high. I always dreaded 
going to the army of the Potomac. After the battle of Gettys- 
burg I was told I could have the command ; but I managed to 
keep out of it. I had seen so many generals fall, one after 
another, like bricks in a row, that I shrank from it. After the 
battle of Mission Ridge, and my appointment as Lieutenant- 
General, and I was allowed to choose my place, it could not be 
avoided. Then it seemed as if the time was ripe, and I had 
no hesitation. 


" My first feeling with regard to the Potomac army," said 
the General, "when I undertook the command was, that it had 
never been thoroughly fought. There was distrust in the army, 
distrust on both sides, I have no doubt. I confess I was afraid 
of the spirit that had pervaded that army, so far as I under- 
stood it in the West ; and I feared also that some of the gen- 
erals might treat me as they treated Pope. But this distrust 
died away. I went among the generals, saw what they really 
felt and believed, and saw, especially, that they obeyed orders. 

I did not want to go to the 
army of the Potomac. The 
command was about to be offered to me after the fall of Vicks- 
burg. I feared that I should be as unsuccessful as the others, 
and should go down like the others. I suppose I should have 
been ordered to the command but for the interference of the 
Under-Secretary of War. I am indebted to him for not hav- 
ing been disturbed in the West. After I became Lieutenant- 
General, and could select my place of service, I saw that the 
time had come for me to take the army of the Potomac. The 
success of that army depended a good deal on the manner in 
Y which the commissariat and quartermaster departments were 


arranged. It is an unfortunate position for a man to hold so 
far as fame is concerned, and Ingalls always suffered from that 
fact. I think it is greatly to the credit of General Ingalls that 
he spent hundreds of millions of dollars in the handling of the 
army under the various generals, and yet has never been ac- 
cused of squandering a cent. But the fact is that Ingalls has 
wonderful executive ability. As a merchant he would have 
made a fortune. Nothing ever disturbed or excited him. He 
was ready for every emergency. He could move and feed a 
hundred thousand men without ruffling his temper. He was 
of the greatest service to me, and indeed to every general he 
served. I knew Ingalls at West Point and out on the Pacific 
coast. We were young officers together, and nothing but his 
holding a staff place kept him from rising to a high command. 
Still, men in his position have the satisfaction of having served 
their country, and perhaps that is the highest reward after all. 

" In the early part of the war," said the General, " Halleck 
did very good service in a manner for which he has never re- 
ceived sufficient credit — I mean in his civil administration. 
Some of his orders were in anticipation, I think, of those of 
Butler's, which gave him so much fame in New Orleans. There 
was one about making the rebels support the families of those 
whose heads had gone to the war. This was a severe order, 
but a just one. When our troops occupied St. Louis, the seces- 
sion ladies resolved to show their contempt by ostentatiously 
parading a white and red rosette. Instead of suppressing this 
by an order, as Butler did, Halleck quietly bought a lot of 
these rosettes. Then he sent his detectives and had them dis- 
tributed among improper characters, who were instructed or 
employed to wear them. Then in a short newspaper article 
attention was called to the singular fact that all the loose 
characters were comingr out in white and red rosettes. In a 
flash that rosette disappeared from the persons of all respect- 
able St. Louis ladies who were anxious to show their seces- 
sion sympathies. 

" By the way," said the General, " there was some splendid 
work done in Missouri, and especially in St. Louis, in the 

VOL. 11. — 30 


earliest days of the war, which people have now almost for- 
gotten. If St. Louis had been captured by the rebels it would 
have made a vast difference in our war. It would have been a 
terrible task to have recaptured St. Louis — one of the most dififi- 
cult that could be given to any military, man. Instead of a cam- 
paign before Vicksburg, it would have been a campaign before 
St. Louis. Then ils resources would have been of material 
value to the rebels. They had arranged for its capture, to 
hold it as a military post, and had even gone so far as to ar- 
range about the division of the Union property. I have heard 
this from sources that leave no doubt in my mind of its truth. 
We owe the safety of St. Louis to Frank Blair and General 
Lyon — mainly to Blair. That one service alone entitles Blair's 
memory to the lasting respect of all Union men. The rebels, 
under pretext of having a camp of instruction, sent their mili- 
tia regiments into a camp called Camp Jackson. The governor 
did it, as was his right. But the governor was in sympathy 
with the rebellion, and he had never done such a thing before. 
The purpose, of course, was evident. Under pretext of a 
militia camp, he would quietly accumulate a. large force, and 
suddenly proclaim the Confederacy. At this very time the 
rebel flag was hanging out from recruiting stations, and com- 
panies were enrolled for the South. The best families, the 
best young men in the city, leaned that way. There were, no 
doubt, many Union men in the ranks of Camp Jackson ; but 
when the time came they would have been taken into the re- 
bellion at the point of the bayonet, just as so many of their 
brethren were carried in East Tennessee. It was necessary 
to strike a decisive blow, and this Blair resolved to do. 
There were some regular troops there under the command of 
Lyon. Blair called out his German regiments, put himself 
under the command of Lyon, went out to the camp, threatened 
to fire if it did not surrender, and brought the whole crowd in 
as prisoners. That was the end of any rebel camps in St. 
Louis, and next day the rebel flags all came down. 

" I happened to be in St. Louis," said the General, " as a 
mustering officer of an Illinois regiment at the time. I remem- 



ber the effect it produced. I was anxious about this camp, 
and the morning of the movement I went up to the arsenal. I 
knew Lyon ; but, although I had no acquaintance with Blair, I 
knew him by sight. This was the first time I ever spoke to 
him. The breaking up of Camp Jackson had a good effect and 

A STREE'! 1 

a bad effect. It offended many Union Democrats, who saw in 
it an invasion of State rights, which," said the General, with a 
smile, " it certainly was. It was used as a means of exciting 
discontent among these well-disposed citizens, as an argument 
that the government was high-handed. Then the fact tliat 
Germans were used to coerce Americans — free Americans in 


their own camp, called out by the governor of the State — gave 
offense. I knew many good people, with the North, at the out- 
set, whose opinions were set Southward by this incident. But 
no really loyal man, to whom the Union was paramount, ever 
questioned the act. Those who went off on this would soon 
have gone on something else — emancipation or the use of 
troops. The taking of the camp saved St. Louis to us, saved 
our side a long, terrible siege, and was one of the best things 
in the whole war. I remember how rejoiced 1 was as 1 saw 
Blair and Lyon bring their prisoners into town." 

An expression of regret that Lyon, who did so well then, 
was so soon to fall, led the General to speak of him. " I knew 
Lyon well," he said, "at West Point and during Mexico. He 
was a peculiar man, a fanatic on religious questions, like Stone- 
wall Jackson ; except that while Jackson was orthodox, Lyon 
was the reverse. He had more of Stonewall Jackson's peculiar 
traits than any one I knew. In fact I call him Stonewall Jack- 
son reversed. He was a furious Union man, hated slavery, 
was extreme in all his views, and intolerant in his expressions 
of dissent. He went into the war with the most angry feelings 
toward the South. If he had lived, he might have reached a 
high command. He had ability enough, and his intense feeling 
would have carried him along, as it carried Jackson, Still you 
cannot tell how that may have been. Jackson's fame always 
seemed to be greater because he fell before his skill had been 
fully tested. 

" No battle," said General Grant on one occasion, " has 
been more discussed than Shiloh — none in my career. The cor- 
respondents and papers at the time all said that Shiloh was a 
surprise— that our men were killed over their coffee, and so on. 
There was no surprise about it, except," said the General, with 
a smile, " perhaps to the newspaper correspondents. We had 
been skirmishing for two days before we were attacked. At 
night, when but a small portion of Buell's army had crossed 
to the west bank of the Tennessee River, I was so well satis- 
fied with the result, and so certain that I would beat Beaure- 
gard, even without Buell's aid, that I went in person to each 



division commander and ordered an advance along the line at 
four in the morning. Shiloh was one of the most important 
battles in the war. It was there that our Western soldiers first 
met the enemy in a pitched battle. From that day they never 
feared to fight the enemy, and never went into action without 


feeling sure they would win. Shiloh broke the prestige of the 
Southern Confederacy so far as our Western army was con- 
cerned. Sherman was the hero of Shiloh. He really com- 
manded two divisions — his own and McClernand's — and proved 
himself to be a consummate soldier. Nothing could be finer 
than his work at Shiloh, and yet Shiloh was belittled by our 
Northern people so that many people look at it as a defeat. 


The same may be said of Fort Donelson. People think that 
Donelson was captured by pouring men into it ten to one, or 
some such odds. The truth is, our army, a new army, invested 
a fortified place and compelled a surrender of a force much 
larger than our own. A large number of the rebels escaped 
under Floyd and Pillow, but, as it was, I took, more prisoners 
than I had men under my command for the first two days of 
my investment. After the investment we were reinforced, so 
that at the surrender there were 26,000 Union troops, about 
4,000 of which were sent back to guard the road to where the 
steamers lay with our supplies. There were 22,000 effective 
men in Donelson at the beginning of the siege. Of course 
there was a risk in attacking Donelson as I did, but," said the 
General, smiling, " I knew the men who commanded it. I 
knew some of them in Mexico. Knowledge of that kind goes 
far toward determining a movement like this." 

" Suppose Longstreet or Jackson had been in command at 
Donelson," said the writer. 

" If Longstreet or Jackson," said the General, "or even if 
Buckner had been in command, I would have made a different 
campaign. In the beginning we all did things more rashly than 
later, just as Jackson did in his earlier campaigns. The Mex- 
ican War made the officers of the old regular armies more or 
less acquainted, and when we knew the name of the general 
opposing we knew enough about him to make our plans ac- 
cordingly. What determined my attack on Donelson," said 
the General, " was as much the knowledge I had gained of its 
commanders in Mexico as anything else. But as the war pro- 
gressed, and each side kept improving its army, these experi- 
ments were not possible. Then it became hard, earnest war, 
and neither side could depend upon any chance with the other. 
Neither side dared to make a mistake. It was steady, hard 
pounding, and the result could only be ruin to the defeated 
party. It was a peculiarity in our war that we were not 
fighting for a peace, but to destroy our adversary. That made 
it so hard for both sides, and especially for the South. 

" Speaking of Shiloh," continued the General, " notwith- 



Standing the criticisms made on that battle by my military 
friends in the press, if I were to name the two battles during 
the war with which I myself have reason to be satisfied, I 
would say Shiloh and Mission Ridge. Mission Ridge was a 
tactical battle, and the results obtained were overwhelming 
when we consider the loss sustained. Shiloh was a pitched 
battle fought in the open field. And when people wonder 
why we did not defeat the Southern army as rapidly and effect- 
ively as was done at other places, they forget that the South- 
ern army was commanded by Sydney Johnson, and that to 
fight a general as great as Sydney Johnson was a different 
thing from fighting Floyd. I have every reason to be fully 
satisfied with the battle of Shiloh. In its results it was one of 
our greatest victories. To that battle, I repeat, we owe the 
spirit of confidence which pervaded the Western army. So 
far were we from being surprised, that one night — certainly two 
nights before the battle — firing was heard at the front, and it was 
reported that my army was making a night attack: On one of 
these evenings I mounted my horse and started for the front. 
I met McPherson and W. H. L. Wallace coming from the 
front. They reported all quiet and I returned. It was rain- 
ing very hard, and on the way my horse stumbled in a hollow 
and sprained my ankle, so that during the battle I was in the 
greatest physical pain from this wound. If Buell had reached 
us in time we would have attacked Sydney Johnson ; but, of 
course, Johnson knew Buell was coming, and was too good a 
general to allow the junction to take place without an attack. 
Another criticism on that battle is the statement that I did not 
happen to be present in person at the point of our line where 
the attack was made. The reason for this was that I did not 
happen to be in possession of Sydney Johnson's order of bat- 
tle. The trouble with a good many of our critical friends in 
the press is that they look upon a battle in the field as they 
would do a battle upon the stage, where you see both armies 
as the scenes shift, and consequently know just what is going 
to be done. It was my misfortune that I did not know 
what was going to be done ; but at the point of the line where 



the attack was delivered Sherman's command was thoroughly 
ready to receive it, and nothing could be finer during the 
whole day than Sherman's conduct. I visited him two or 
three times during the action, for the purpose of making sug- 
gestions, and seeing how things were going on ; but it was 
not necessary. Sherman was doing much better than I could 
have done under the circumstances, and required no advice 
from me." 

The question was asked of General Grant, whether the 
death of Johnson, during the battle, affected the result. Gen- 
eral Grant said : " I never could see that it did. On the con- 
trary, I should think that the 
circumstances attending the 
death of General Johnson, as 
reported by his friends, show 
that the battle was against 
him when wounded, that he 
was rallying his troops at the 
time he was struck in the leg 
by a ball, and that he lost his 
life because he would not aban- 
don his troops in order to have 
his wound properly dressed. 
If he had gone to the rear and 
had the wound attended to, he 
might have lived. If he had 
had no anxiety about his army, 
to see if it was victorious, there 
could be no reason why he 
should not go to the rear ; but the battle was so pressing that 
he would not leave his command, and so he bled to death. 
This, at least, is my judgment from reading the statement. I 
never could see that the course of the battle was affected, one 
way or another, by the event. The death of so great a man as 
Johnson was a great loss to the South, and would have been to 
any cause in which he might have been engaged. But all he 
could do for the battle of Shiloh was done before he was killed. 



The battle was out of his hands, and out of that of his army. 
What won the battle of Shiloh was the courage and endurance 
of our own soldiers. It was the staying power and pluck of 
the North as against the short-lived power of the South ; and 
whenever these qualities came into collision the North always 
won. I used to find that the first day, or the first period of a 
battle, was most successful to the South ; but if we held on to 
the second or third day, we were sure to beat them, and we 
always did." 

On the 2 1st of June we found our ship threading its way 
through beautiful islands and rocks covered with green, loom- 
ing up out of the sea, and standing like sentinels on the coast 
— hills on which were trees, and gardens terraced to their sum- 
mits, and high, commanding cliffs. Through green and smooth 
tranquil waters we steamed into the bay of Nagasaki, and had 
our first glimpse of Japan. Nagasaki is said to be among the 
most beautiful harbors in the world. But the beauty that 
welcomed us had the endearing quality that it reminded us of 
home. For so many weeks we had been in the land of the 
palm, and we were now again in the land of the pine. We had 
seen nature in luxuriant moods, running into riotous forms, 
strange and rank. We were weary of the cocoa-nut and the 
brown, parched soil, of the skies of fire and forests with wild 
and creeping things. It had become so oppressive that when 
our course turned toward the north there was great joy. The 
Providence who gave us our share of the world no doubt con- 
sidered this, and made it happen that some of us should rejoice 
under the tropical and others under the temperate zone. I 
have come to the conclusion that a longing for green is among 
our primitive and innocent impulses, and I sometimes think 
that if Adam had only had a good supply of grass — of timothy 
and clover — in the Garden of Eden, and less of the enticing and 
treacherous fruits, there would have been no trouble in his 
family, and all would have gone well. There is temptation 
in sunshine. One has a feeling of strengthened virtue as the 
landscape draws near and unfolds itself, and you have glimpses 
of Scotland and the Adirondacks and the inland lakes ; and the 


green is an honest, frank, chaste green, running from hill-top 
to water-side, and throwing upon the waters long, refreshing 
shadows. It was this school-boy sense of pleasure that came 
with my first view of Japan. All the romance, all the legends. 


ful welcome to the green that I had not seen since leaving 
England — our own old-fashioned green of the temperate zone. 
This is not a heroic confession, and I should have thought of 
some fitting emotion with which to welcome this land of ro- 


mance and sunshine. But I can never get into a heroic vein, 
and my actual impressions, as I go around the world, are often of 
so homely a character that I ought not to confess them. How 
much grander it would be to intimate that my feelings over- 
came me and I was too much affected for speech. This would 
sound as a more appropriate welcome to Japan. All that I saw 
of the coast was the beauty of the green, which came like a 
memory of childhood, as a memory of America, and in which 
I rejoiced as in a mere physical sensation, like bathing, or 
swinging on the gate, or dozing under the apple-trees in the 
drowsy days of June. 

And yet if I could only rouse myself out of this mere boy's 
feeling of seeing something good — good in the sense of sight 
and food — there are memories, even around this harbor of 
Nagasaki, of grand men and heroic days. Here we come again 
upon the footprints of Francis Xavier. The shadow of that 
saint rests upon Asia — or perhaps I should say halo rather 
than shadow, as a word more befitting a saint. Francis was 
never a favorite of mine, for I have a choice collection of saints 
with whom I hope one day to be in a closer communion, and the 
stones of his gifts of tongues and his taking part in the cruel 
wars of the European against the native were beyond me. But 
as I pass from land to land, and see the nature of the field in 
which he labored, and mark his insatiate devotion to faith and 
duty, he grows in my esteem, and I bow in adoration of his 
devotion and genius. Perhaps Xavier had no more interest- 
ing field than Japan, and one can picture him, the pale, con- 
centrated priest, walking under these green, impending hills. 
This is the scene of his mission to Japan. Here began that 
strange movement of the Japanese people toward Christianity. 
Here it began, and here, also, it came to an end. This height 
which we now pass, and where the people of Nagasaki come 
to picnic, is the hill of Pappenberg. It is an island as well as 
a hill, and runs up like a cone and is arrayed in winning green. 
It is written that when the Japanese government resolved 
to treat Christianity as a crime, and extirpate the faithful, that 
thousands of the Christians were taken to the brow of the hill 


and thrown into the sea. Not far from here is a village, the 
site of the massacre of thirty-seven thousand Christians who 
would not bow to the imperial edict, but preferred to die with 
the cross in their hands. 

These are painful memories, but why recall them in Japan ? 
Let us imitate our beloved mother, who has covered with con- 
soling and beautiful green the harsh places — the sites of mas- 
sacre and death — and forget the dark deeds of an early age, 
while we rejoice in the bright deeds of our own age, of the 
men who in our time have taken Japan out of the sepulchre, 
and given her room and a chance in the arena. There are 
statelier memories — memories of the daring navigators who 
forced the seas in heroic days. It was the dream of a north- 
west passage, of discovering a new road to the Indies — it was 
the influence which Japan and the East had thrown over the 
imaginations of men — that led to the series of enterprises in 
unknown lands and over unknown seas which culminated in the 
discovery of America. You see how closely our world is knit 
together, and that you cannot touch a spot which has not some 
chords, some memory, some associations, responsive to every 
other spot ; and thus it is, strange to say, that Japan and 
America have so close a relation. In those days Nagasaki 
was a renowned city, and alone of cities in Japan she touched 
the outside world. When the warrior-kine tumbled the mis- 
sionaries and converts into the sea, and visited upon the fol- 
lowers of the cross untold misery, even the sacred, crowning 
misery of crucifixion, Nagasaki was still held as a foothold 
of the merchant. It was only a foothold. You can see the 
small, fan-shaped concession where the Dutch merchants were 
kept in seclusion, and whence their trade trickled into Japan. 
A flag floats over one of the bazaars, and by the arms of 
Holland, which it bears, you can trace out the memorable 

The " Richmond " steamed between the hills and came to 
an anchorage. It was the early morning, and over the water 
were shadows of cool, inviting green. Nagasaki, nestling on 
her hill-sides, looked cosy and beautiful ; and it being our first 



glimpse of a Japanese town, we studied it through our glasses, 
studied every feature — the scenery, the picturesque attributes 
of the city, the terraced hills that rose beyond, every rood un- 
der cultivation ; the quaint, curious houses; the multitudes of 
flags, which showed that the town knew of our coming and was 
preparing to do us honor. We noted also that the wharves 
were lined with a multitude, and that the available population 
were waiting to see the guest whom their nation honors, and 
who is known in common speech as the American Mikado. 


Then the " Richmond " ran up the Japanese standard and fired 
twenty-one guns in honor of Japan. The forts answered the 
salute. Then the Japanese gun-boats and the forts displayed 
the American ensign, and fired a salute of twenty-one guns in 
honor of General Grant. Mr. W. P. Mangum, our consul, 
and his wife came on board. In a short time the Japanese 
barge was seen coming, with Prince Dati and Mr. Yoshida and 
the Governor, all in the splendor of court uniforms. These 
officials were received with due honors, and escorted to the 
cabin. Prince Dati said that he had been commanded by the 


Emperor to meet General Grant on his landing, to welcome 
him in the name of his Majesty, and to attend upon him as the 
Emperor's personal representative, so long as the General re- 
mained in Japan. The value of this compliment can be under- 
stood when you know that Prince Dati is one of the highest 
noblemen in Japan. He was one of the leading daimios, one 
of the old feudal barons who, before the revolution, ruled Japan, 
and had power of life and death in his own dominions. The 
old daimios were not only barons but heads of clans, like the 
clans of Scotland ; and in the feudal days he could march an 
army into the field. When the revolution came Dati accepted 
it, not sullenly and seeking retirement, like Satsuma and other 
princes, but as the best thing for the country. He gave his 
adhesion to the Emperor, and is now one of the great noble- 
men around the throne. The sending of a man of the rank of 
the Prince was the highest compliment that the Emperor could 
pay any guest. Mr. Yoshida is well known as the present Japan- 
ese Minister to the United States, a discreet and accomplished 
man, and among the rising statesmen in the empire. Having 
been accredited to America during the General's administra- 
tion, and knowing the General, the government called him 
home so that he might attend General Grant and look after 
the reception. So when General Grant arrived he had the 
pleasure of meeting not only a distinguished representative 
of the Emperor, but an old personal friend. 

At one o'clock on the 21st of June, General Grant, accom- 
panied by Prince Dati, Mr. Yoshida, and the Governor, landed 
in Nagasaki. The Japanese man-of-war " Kango," commanded 
by Captain Ito, had been sent down to Nagasaki to welcome 
the General. The landing took place in the Japanese barge. 
From the time that General Grant came into the waters of 
Japan it was the intention of the government that he should 
be the nation's guest. As soon as the General stepped into 
the barge the Japanese vessels and the batteries on shore 
thundered out their welcome, the yards of the vessels were 
manned, and as the barge moved slowly along the crews of the 
ships in the harbor cheered. It was over a mile from the 



" Richmond " to the shore. The landing-place had been ar- 
ranged not in the foreign section nor the Dutch Concession, 
carrying out the intention of having the reception entirely 
Japanese. Lines of troops were formed, the steps were cov- 
ered with red cloth, and every 
space and standing spot and l^^-^y -t:i&. 
coigne of vantage was covered '-''%• 
with people. The General's 
boat touched the shore, 
and with Mrs. Grant on 
his arm, and fol 

lowed by the Colonel, the 
Japanese officials, and the 
members of his party, he 
slowly walked up the plat- 
form, bowing ' to the mul- 
titude who made their 
obeisance in his honor. There is something strange in the 
grave decorum of an Oriental crowd — strange to us who re- 
member the ringing cheer and the electric hurrah of Saxon 
lands. The principal citizens of Nagasaki came forward and 



were presented, and after a few minutes' pause our party 
stepped into jinrickshaws and were taken to our quarters. 

The jinrickshaw is the common vehicle of Japan. It is 
built on the principle of a child's perambulator or an invalid's 
chair, except that it is much lighter. Two men go ahead and 
pull, and one behind pushes. But this is only on occasions of 
ceremony. One man is quite able to manage a jinrickshaw. 
Those used by the General had been sent down from Tokio 
from the palace. Our quarters in Nagasaki had been prepared 
in the Japanese town. A building used for a female normal 
school had been prepared. It was a half mile from the landing, 
and the whole road had been decorated with flags, American 
and Japanese entwined, with arches of green boughs and 
flowers. Both sides of the road were lined with people who 
bowed low to the General as he passed. On reaching our 
residence the Japanese officials of the town were all presented. 
Then came the foreign consuls in a body, who were presented 
by the American Consul, Mr. Mangum. After this came the 
ofificers of the Japanese vessels, all in uniform. Then came a 
delegation representing the foreign residents of all nationali- 
ties in Nagasaki, who presented an address. Mr. Bingham, 
the American Minister, came as far as Nagasaki to meet Gen- 
eral Grant and go with him to Yokohama. He brought us 
sad news of the pestilence ravaging the empire, which would 
limit our journey. Mr. Bingham was fresh from America, and 
it was pleasant not only to meet an old friend, but one who 
could tell us of the tides and currents of home affairs. On 
the evening of the 23d there was a dinner at the Government 
House, at which General Grant made a speech. This speech 
became a subject of so much controversy through the East 
that I print it in full. The Governor of Nagasaki, Utsumi 
Togatsu, made a speech proposing General Grant's health. 
This was delivered in Japanese. After the interpreter had 
made a translation. General Grant rose and said : 

" Your Excellency and Gentlemen : You have here to-night several 
Americans who have the talent of speech, and who could make an eloquent 
response to the address in which my health is proposed. I have no such gift, 



and I never lamented its absence more than now, when there is so much that I 
want to say about your country, your people, and your progress. I have not 
been an inattentive observer of that progress, and in America we have been 
favored with accounts of it from my distinguished friend whom you all know 
as the friend of Japan, and whom it was my privilege to send as minister — I 
mean Judge Bingham. The spirit which has actuated the mission of Judge 
Bingham — the spirit of sympathy, support, and conciliation — not only expressed 
my own sentiments, but those of America. America has much to gain in the 
East — no nation has greater interests ; but America has nothing to gain except 
what comes from the cheerful acquiescence of the Eastern people and insures 
them as much benefit as it does us. I should be ashamed of my country if its 
relations with other nations, and especially with these ancient and most inter- 
esting empires in the East, were based upon any other idea. We have rejoiced 
over your progress. We have watched you step by step. We have followed 
the unfolding of your old civilization and its absorbing the new. You have 
had our profound sympathy in that work, our sympathy in the troubles which 
came with it, and our friendship. I hope it may continue, that it may long 
continue. As I have said, America has great interests in the East. She is your 
next neighbor. She is more affected by the eastern populations than any other 
power. She can never be insensible to what is doing here. Whatever her in- 
fluence may be, I am proud to think that it has always been exerted in behalf 
of justice and kindness. No nation needs from the outside powers justice and 
kindness more than Japan, because the work that has made such marvelous 
progress in the past few years is a work in which we are deeply concerned, in 
the success of which we see a new era in civilization and which we should en- 
courage. I do not know, gentlemen, that I can say anything more than this 
in response to the kind words of the Governor. Judge Bingham can speak with 
much more eloquence and much more authority as our minister. But I could 
not allow the occasion to pass without saying how deeply I sympathized with 
Japan in her efforts to advance, and how much those efforts were appreciated 
in America. In that spirit I ask you to unite with me in a sentiment : ' The 
prosperity and the independence of Japan." " 

At the close General Grant proposed the health of General 
Bingham, and spoke of the satisfaction he felt at meeting him 
in Japan. Mr. Yoshida, the Japanese Minister to the United 
States, also made a speech, paying a tribute to General Bing- 
ham's sincerity and friendliness. Judge Bingham responding, 
said that he had come to Nagasaki to be among the first to 
welcome General Grant to Japan, which he did in the name of 
his government. It had been his endeavor to faithfully dis- 
charge his duties in such a manner as would strengthen the 
friendship between the two countries and promote the com- 

VOL. II.- — 31 


mercial interests of both. He knew that in so acting he re- 
flected the wishes of the illustrious man who is the guest of 
the empire, and the wishes also of the President and people of 
the United States. 

There was a visit to the 
government schools and an 
address to the scholars, a 
short conversational speech 
on the value of education. 
There was a visit to the Nagasaki Fair, which had been in 
progress during the summer, but was then closed. The Gover- 
nor opened it for our inspection, and it was certainly a most 
creditable display of what Japan could do in art, industry, and 
science. The fair buildings were erected in the town park, a 



pleasure ground with unique old temples gray and mossy with 
age, and tea-houses where tea was brought in the tiniest of 
cups by demure wee maidens from six to seven, dressed in the 
ancient costumes of Japan, who came and knelt as they offered 
their tea. The town people were out in holiday attire to 
take the air and look out on the bay and stare at the Gen- 
eral. After we had made our tour of the fair grounds the 
Governor asked the General and Mrs. Grant to plant memo- 
rial trees. The species planted by the General was the Ficus 
rciigiosa, while to Mrs. Grant was given the Satirus camphora. 
The Governor then said that Nagasaki had resolved to erect a 
monument in honor of General Grant's visit, that this memorial 
would be near the trees, and that if the General would only 
write an inscription it would be engraved on the stone in Eng- 
lish and Japanese characters. The General wrote the inscrip- 
tion as follows : 

"Nagasaki, Japan, June 22, 1879. 
"At the request of Governor Utsumi Togatsu, Mrs. Grant and I have each 
planted a tree in the Nagasaki Park. I hope that both trees may prosper, grow 
large, Hve long, and in their growth, prosperity, and long life be emblematic of 
the future of Japan. 

'U. S. GRANT" 




URING our visit to Nagasaki we took part in a 
famous dinner given in honor of General Grant, about 
which I propose to write at some length, because it is 
interesting as a picture of ancient life in Japan. 
In my wanderings round the world I am more interested in 
what reminds me of the old times, of the men and the days 
that are gone, than of customs reminding me of what I saw in 
France. All that reminds you of the old times is passing away 
from Japan. Here and there you can find a bit that recalls the 
days when the daimios ruled, when the two-sworded warriors 
were on every highway, when the rivalry of clans was as fierce 
as was ever known in the highlands of Scotland or the plains 
of North America, when every gentleman was as ready to com- 
mit suicide in defense of his honor as a Texas swashbuckler 
to fight a duel. All of this is crumbling under the growth of 
modern ideas. The aim of Japanese statesmen is now to do 




things as they are done in London and Washington, and this 
impulse sweeps on in a resistless and swelling current. It is 
best that it should be so. God forbid that Japan should ever 
try to arrest or turn back the hands of her destiny. What was 
picturesque and quaint in the old time can be preserved in 
plays and romances. This century belongs to the real world, 
and Japan's incessant pressing forward, even if she crushes the 
old monuments, is in the interest of civilization. 

It seemed good to the citizens of Nagasaki to give General 
Grant a dinner that was to be in itself a romance and a play. 
Instead of doing what is done every day, and rivaling the taste 
of Paris, it was resolved to entertain him in the style of the 
daimios, the feudal lords of Japan. The place selected for the 
fete was an old temple in the heart of the city, from whose 
doors you could look over the bay. Moreover, it was to be 
the work of the citizens of Nagasaki. The merchants would 
do it, and this in itself was a delicate thought ; for in the East 
it is not often that we have any recognition of men as men and 
citizens. The awakening of the people of Japan to a percep- 
tion of the truth that the men who form the eroundwork of the 
State, and upon whose genius and industry it rests, are as im- 
por'tant as heaven-born rulers, is one of the thought-provoking 
incidents of the later amusements in Japan. That is a voice 
it is not easy to still. It may speak with the wavering tones 
of childhood, but will gather strength and in time be heard. 
It was peculiarly gratifying to General Grant to meet the citi- 
zens of Japan, and they left nothing undone to do him honor. 
The company was not more than twenty, including General 
Grant and party, our Japanese hosts. Consul Mangum and 
family, and Consul Denny and family. The dinner was served 
on small tables, each guest having a table to himself. The 
merchants themselves waited on us, and with the merchants a 
swarm of attendants wearing the costumes of old Japan. 

The bill of fare was almost a volume, and embraced over 
fifty courses. The wine was served in unglazed porcelain wine 
cups, on white wooden stands. The appetite was pampered in 
the beginning with dried fish, edible sea-weeds, and isinglass, in 



something of the Scandinavian style, except that the attempt 
did not take the form of brandy and raw fish. The first seri- 
ous dish was composed of crane, sea-weed, moss, rice bread and 
potatoes, which we picked over in a curious way. as though we 

were at an auction sale of rem- 
nants, anxious to rummage 
out a bargain. The soup, when it first came — for it came many 
times — was an honest soup of fish, like a delicate fish chowder. 
Then came strange dishes, as ragout, and as soup, in bewilder- 
ing confusion. The first was called namasu, and embodied 
fish, clams, chestnuts, rock mushrooms, and ginger. Then, in 



various combinations, the following : — duck, truffles, turnips, 
dried bonito, melons, pressed salt, aromatic shrubs, snipe, egg- 
plant, jelly, boiled rice, snapper, shrimp, potatoes, mushroom, 
cabbage, lassfish, orange flowers, powdered fish flavored with 
plum juice and walnuts, raw carp sliced, mashed fish, baked 
fish, isinglass, fish boiled with pickled beans, wine and rice 
again. This all came in the first course, and as a finale to the 
course there was a sweetmeat composed of white and red bean 
jelly-cake, and boiled black mushroom. With this came pow- 
dered tea, which had a green, monitory look, and suggested 
your earliest experiences in medicine. When the first pause 
came in the dinner a merchant advanced and read an address 
to General Grant. This was at the end of the first course — 
the ominous course that came to an end amid powdered tea 
and sweetmeats composed of white and red bean jelly-cake and 
boiled black mushrooms. After the address had been read 
we rose from our tables and sauntered about on the gravel- 
walk, and looked down on the bay and the enfolding hills, 
whose beauty became almost plaintive under the shadows of 
the setting sun. 

One never tires of a scene like Nagasaki, as you see it in 
evening more especially, the day ending and nature sheltering 
for repose in the embraces of night. Everything is so ripe and 
rich and old. Time has done so much for the venerable town, 
and you feel as the shadows fall that for generations, for cen- 
turies, they have fallen upon just such a scene as we look down 
upon from the brow of our hill. The eddies of a new civiliza- 
tion are rushing in upon Nagasaki, and there are many signs 
that you have no trouble in searching out. That Nagasaki has 
undergone a vast change since the day when Dutch merchants 
were kept in a reservation more secluded than we have ever 
kept our Indians, when Xavier and his disciples threaded those 
narrow streets preaching the salvation that comes through the 
blood of Jesus, when Christians were driven at the point of the 
spear to yon beetling cliff and tumbled into the sea. These 
are momentous events in the history of Japan. They were 
merely incidents in the history of Nagasaki. The ancient 



town has lived on sleepily, embodying and absorbing the fea- 
tures of Eastern civilization, unchanged and unchanging, its 
beauty expressive because it is a beauty of its own, untinted 
by Europeans. We have old towns in the European world. 
We even speak as if we had a past in fresh America. But 
what impresses you in these aspects of Eastern development 
is their antiquity, before which the most ancient of our towns 

are but as yesterday. 
The spirit of ages 
breathes over Nagasaki, 
and you cease to think 
of chronology, and see 
only the deep, rich tones 
which time has given and 
which time alone can give. 
A trailing line of mist 
rises from the town and 
slowly floats along the 
hill-side, veiling the beau- 
ty upon which you have 
- been dwelling all the af- 
ternoon. The green be- 
comes gray, and on the 
tops there are purple 
shadows, and the shining 
waters of the bay become 
opaque. The ships swing 
at anchor, and you can 
see above the trim masts 
and prim-set spars of the 
"Richmond" the colors of America. The noble ship has 
sought a shelter near the further shore, and as you look a light 
ascends the rigging and gives token that those in command 
are setting the watches for the night. Nearer us, distinguish- 
able by her white wheel-house, rides the " Ashuelot," while 
ships of other lands dot the bay. As you look a ball of fire 
shoots into the air and hangs pendent for a moment, and ex- 




plodes into a mass of shooting, corruscating stars, and you 
know that our friends in the town are rejoicing over the pres- 
ence of General Grant. From the other hills a flame breaks 
out and struggles a few moments, and becomes a steady assert- 
ing flame, and you know that this is a bonfire, and that the peo- 
ple have builded it to show their joy. Other bonfires creep 
out of the blackness, for while you have been looking night 
has come, and reigns over hill and valley and sea, and green 
has become black. Lines of light streak the town, and you 
see various decorations in lanterns, forming quaint shapes. 
One shapes itself into the flag of America, another into the 
flag of Japan, another into a triangle, another into a Japanese 
word — the word in red lanterns, surrounded by a border of 
white lanterns — and Mr. Yoshida translates the word to mean a 
sentiment in honor of General Grant. These lights in curious 
forms shoot up in all parts of the town, and you know that 
Nagasaki is illuminated, and that while here in this venerable 
temple the merchants have assembled to give us entertainment, 
the inhabitants are answering their hospitality with blazing 
tokens of approval. As you look below on the streets around 
the temple you see the crowd bearing lanterns, chattering, 
wondering, looking on, taking what comfort they can out of 
the festival in honor of the stranger within their gates. 

But while we could well spend our evening strolling over 
this graveled walk, and leaning over the quaint brick wall, and 
studying the varied and ever-changing scene that sweeps be- 
neath us, we must not forget our entertainment. The servants 
have brought in the candles. Before each table is a pedestal 
on which a candle burns, and the old temple lights up with a 
new splendor. To add to this splendor the wall has been 
draped with heavy silks, embroidered with gold and silver, with 
quaint and curious legends of the history of Japan. These 
draperies lend a new richness to the room, and you admire 
the artistic taste which suggested them. The merchants enter 
again, bearing meats. Advancing to the center of the room, 
and to the General, they kneel and press their foreheads to the 
floor. With this demure courtesy the course begins. Other 



attendants enter, and place on each table the lacquer bowls 
and dishes. Instead of covering the tables with a variety of 
food, and tempting you with auxiliary dishes of watermelon 
seeds and almond kernels, as in China, the Japanese give you 
a small variety at a time. I am afraid, however, we have 
spoiled our dinner. Our amiable friend, Mr. Yoshida, warned 
us in the beginning not to be in a hurry, to restrain our curi- 
osity, not to hurry our investigations into the science of a Ja- 
panese table, but to pick and nibble and wait — that there were 

lI.lNi: I\ THE KAGO, 

good things coming which we should not be beyond the con- 
dition of enjoying. What a comfort, for instance, a roll of 
bread would be and a glass of dry champagne ! But there are 
no bread and no wine, and our only drink is the hot prepara- 
tion from rice, with its sherry flavor, which is poured out of a 
teapot into shallow lacquer saucers, and which you sip not with- 
out relish, although it has no place in any beverage known to 
your experience. We are dining, however, in strict Japanese 
fashion, just as the old daimios did, and our hosts are too good 
artists to spoil a feast with champagne. Then it has been going 


on for hours, and when you have reached the fourth hour of a 
dinner, even a temperance dinner, with nothing more serious 
than a hot, insipid, sherry-hke rice drink, you have passed 
beyond the critical and curious into the resigned condition. 
If we had only been governed by the minister, we might have 
enjoyed this soup, which comes first in the course, and as you Hft 
the lacquered top you know to be hot and fragrant. It is a soup 
composed of carp and mushroom and aromatic shrub. Another 
dish is a prepared fish that looks like a confection of cocoa-nut, 
but which you see to be fish as you prod it with your chopsticks. 
This is composed of the red snapper fish, and is served in red 
and white alternate squares. It looks well, but you pass it by, 
as well as another dish that is more poetic at least, for it is a 
preparation of the skylark, wheat flour-cake, and gourd. One 
has a sense of the violation of proprieties in seeing the soaring 
lark snared from the clouds, the dew, and the morning sunshine, 
to flavor a cake of wheat. We treat the lark better at home, 
and we might pass this to the discredit of Japan, if we did not 
remember how much the lark contributed to feasts in the Palais 
Royal, and that the French were alike wanting in sentiment. 
We are not offended by the next soup, which comes hot and 
smoking, a soup of buckwheat and egg-plant. The egg-plant 
always seemed to be a vulgar, pretentious plant that might do 
for the trough, but was never intended for the dignity of the 
table. But for buckwheat the true American, who believes in. 
the country, and whose patriotism has not been deadened by 
debates on army appropriation bills, has a tender, respectful 
feeling. Somehow it has no business upon a foreign table, and 
at a daimio's dinner you feel that it is one of your contributions 
to the happiness of the world, that you have given it as your 
unit in the sum of human entertainment. You think of elow- 
ing buckwheat fields over which bees are humming — of over- 
laden tables in many an American home, crowned with a steam- 
ing mound of brown and crisp cakes, oozing with butter. You 
think of frost and winter and tingling breezes from the granite 
hills. It brings you October, and in this wandering round the 
world, disposed as one always should be to see sunshine wher- 

492 JAPAN. 

ever the sun shines, I have seen nothing to rival an Ameri- 
can October. But buckwheat in a soup is unfitting, and allied 
with the egg-plant is a degradation, and no sense of curious 
inquiry can tolerate so grave a violation of the harmony of 
the table. You push your soup to the end of the table and 
nip off the end of a fresh cigar, and look out upon the 
• town, over which the dominant universe has thrown the star- 
sprinkled mantle of night, and follow the lines of light that 
mark the welcome we are enjoying, and trace the ascending 
rockets as they shoot up from the hill-side to break into masses 
of dazzling- fire and illuminate the heavens for a moment 
in a rhapsody of blue and scarlet and green and silver and 

If you have faith, you will enter bravely into the dish that 
your silk-draped attendant now places before you, and as he 
does bows to the level of the table and slides away. This is 
called oh-hira, and was composed, I am sure, by some ambi- 
tious daimio, who had given thought to the science of the ta- 
ble, and possessed an original genius. The base of this dish 
is panyu. Panyu is a sea-fish. The panyu in itself would 
be a dish, but in addition we have a fungus, the roots of the 
lily, and the stems of pumpkins. The fungus is delicate, and 
reminds you of mushroom, but the pumpkin, after you had 
fished it out and saw that it was a pumpkin, seemed forlorn 
and uncomfortable, conscious no doubt of a better destiny in 
its New England home than flavoring a mess of pottage. 
What one objects to in these dishes is the objection you have 
to frogs and snails. They lack dignity. And when we come 
to real American food, like the pumpkin and buckwheat, we 
expect to see it specially honored, and not thrown into a pot 
and boiled in mixed company. The lily roots seemed out of 
place. I could find no taste in them, and would have been 
content to have known them as turnips. But your romantic 
notions about the lily — the lines you have written in albums, 
the poetry and water-colors — are dispelled by its actual pres- 
ence in a boiled state, suffused with arrow-root and horseradish. 
Here are the extremes of life — the arrow-root which soothes 



the growing palate, the horseradish which stimulates the de- 
clining tastes — and yet they are necessary to a proper appre- 
ciation of the lily and the pumpkin. The combination seems 



like a freak of the imagination, the elements are so antagonis- 
tic and incongruous. But the kettle levels all distinctions, and 
once that the bending lily and the golden pumpkin, with their 
pretentious associates, are thoroughly boiled, they are simply 
soup after all. It must have been a philosophical daimio who 

494 JAPAA. 

invented this dish, meaning, no doubt, to teach his guests the 
solemn lesson that there is no glory, no pomp, no ambition, 
neither sentiment, nor virtue, nor modesty, nor pride, that can 
escape in the fulfillment of time the destiny to which time 
dooms us all. 

Music ! In the ancient days, when a great daimio dined his 
friends, music came and brightened the feast. Somehow it 
seems to have been always thus, even from the beginning — in 
Assyria, in Persia, in ancient Jerusalem, in the Indian forests. 
I should like to see a prize essay written in plain English on 
the subject of music, that would tell you something of the in- 
fluence upon life of this world of harmony — how it brightens 
and heightens existence ; how its tones follow us from the lul- 
laby that soothes the unconscious ears of infancy to the dirge 
which falls unheeded upon the unconscious ears of death. 
Wherever we touch these ancient civilizations music comes to 
do us honor. At Jeypore, where our host claimed a descent 
from the stars, the nautch girls danced as was their wont be- 
fore the shrines of Buddha. In Siam the Prince called Celes- 
tial honored us with music and dancers burdened with gold- 
embroidered raiment. In China music always attended our 
visits to princes and viceroys. Have you read what Confu- 
cius says about music? He liked bells and drums and harpsi- 
chords. " When," he said, "affairs are not carried on to suc- 
cess, propriety and music will not flourish, and if that is not 
the case punishments will not be properly awarded." Even in 
this seat of an antique civilization music reigns, and although 
the harmony is jarring to our modern ears, and you feel the 
want of expression and poetry, it has expression and poetry. 
One of the most intelligent Brahmins I met in India told me 
that if I once came to appreciate the music of India I would 
not care for any other. There was no difficulty in assenting 
to such a proposition, because I can conceive nothing more 
difficult than to find harmony in these discordant sounds. 
While our hosts are passing around the strange dishes, a sig- 
nal is made and the musicians enter. They are maidens, with 
fair, pale faces, and small, dark, serious eyes. You are pleased 


to see that their teeth have not been blackened, as was the cus- 
tom in past days, and is even now almost a prevalent custom 
among the lower classes. We are told that the maidens who 
have come to grace our feast are not of the common singing 
class, but the daughters of the merchants and leading citizens 
of Nagasaki. The first group is composed of three. They 
enter, sit down on the floor, and bow their heads in salutation. 
One of the instruments is shaped like a guitar, another is some- 
thing between a banjo and a drum. They wear the costume 
of the country, the costume that was known before the new 
days came upon Japan. They have blue silk gowns, white 
collars, and heavily brocaded pearl-colored sashes. The prin- 
cipal instrument was long and narrow, shaped like a coffin lid, 
and sounding like a harpsichord. After they had played an 
overture another group entered — fourteen maidens similarly 
dressed, each carrying the small, banjo-like instrument, rang- 
ing themselves on a bench against the wall, the tapestry and 
silks suspended over them. Then the genius of the artist was 
apparent, and the rich depending tapestry, blended with the 
blue and white and pearl, and animated with the faces of the 
maidens, their music and their songs, made a picture of Japa- 
nese life which an artist might regard with envy. You saw 
then the delicate features of Japanese decoration which have 
bewitched our artist friends, and which the most adroit fingers 
in vain try to copy. When the musicians enter the song be- 
gins. It is an original composition. The theme is the glory 
of America and honor to General Grant. They sing of the 
joy that his coming has given to Japan ; of the interest and the 
pride they take in his fame ; of their friendship for their friends 
across the great sea. This is all sung in Japanese, and we fol- 
low the lines through the mediation of a Japanese friend who 
learned his English in America. This anthem was chanted in a 
low almost monotonous key, one singer leading in a kind of 
solo and the remainder coming in with a chorus. The song 
ended, twelve dancing maidens enter. They wore a crimson- 
like overgarment fashioned like pantaloons — a foot or so too 
long — so that when they walked it was with a dainty pace, lest 



they might trip and fall. The director of this group was con- 
stantly on his hands and knees, creeping around among the 
dancers keeping their drapery in order, not allowing it to bun- 
dle up and vex the play. These maidens carried bouquets of 
pink blossoms, artificially made, examples of the flora of Japan. 
They stepped through the dance at as slow a measure as in a 

minuet of Louis 
XIV. The move- 
ment of the dance 
was simple, the 
music a humming 
thrumming, as 
though the per- 
formers were tun- 
ing their instru- 
m e n t s . After 
passing through a 
few measures the 
dancers slowly 
filed out, and were 
followed by an- 
other group, who 
came wearing 
masks — the mask 
in the form of a 
large doll's face 
— and bearing 
children's rattles 
and fans. The 
peculiarity of this 
dance was that time was kept by the movement of the fan — a 
graceful, expressive movement which only the Eastern people 
have learned to bestow on the fan. With them the fan becomes 
almost an organ of speech, and the eye is employed in its man- 
agement at the expense of the admiration we are apt at home 
to bestow on other features of the amusement. The masks 
indicated that this was a humorous dance, and when it was 


over four special performers, who had unusual skill, came in 
with flowers and danced a pantomime. Then came four others, 
with costumes different — blue robes trimmed with gold — who 
carried long, thin wands, entwined in gold and red, from which 
dangled festoons of pink blossoms. 

All this time the music hummed and thrummed. To var}^ 
the show we had an even more grotesque amusement. First 
came eight children, who could scarcely do more than toddle. 
They were dressed in white, embroidered in green and red, 
wearing purple caps formed like the Phrygian liberty cap, and 
dangling on the shoulders. They came into the temple inclos- 
ure and danced on the graveled walk, while two, wearing an 
imitation of a dragon's skin, went through a dance and various 
contortions, supposed to be a dragon at play. This reminded 
us of the pantomime elephant, where one performer plays the 
front and another the hind legs. In the case of our Japanese 
dragon the legs were obvious, and the performers seemed in- 
disposed even to protect the illusion. It was explained that it 
was an ancient village dance, one of the oldest in Japan, and 
that on festive occasions, when the harvests are ripe, or when 
some legend or feat of heroism is to be commemorated, they 
assemble and dance it. It was a trifling, innocent dance, and 
you felt as you looked at it, and, indeed, at all the features of 
our most unique entertainment, that there was a good deal of 
nursery imagination in Japanese fetes and games. A more 
striking feature was the decorations which came with the sec- 
ond course of our feast. First came servants, bearing two 
trees, one of the pine the other of the plum. The plum-tree 
was in full blossom. One of these was set on a small table in 
front of Mrs. Grant, the other in front of the General. Another 
decoration was a cherry-tree, surmounting a large basin, in 
which were living carp fish. The carp has an important posi- 
tion in the legends of Japan. It is the emblem of ambition 
and resolution. This quality was shown in another decoration, 
representing a waterfall, with carp climbing against the stream. 
The tendency of the carp to dash against rocks and climb water- 
falls, which should indicate a low order of intellect and per- 

VOL. II. — 32 



verted judgment, is supposed to show the traits of the ambi- 
tious man. Perhaps the old philosophers saw a great deal of 
folly and weakness of mind in the fever of ambition, and these 
emblems may have had a moral lesson for those who sat at 
the daimio feasts. This habit of giving feasts a moral feature. 


of adding music for the imagination and legends for the mind, 
if such were the purpose, showed an approach to refined civili- 
zation in the ancient days. I am afraid, however, if we were 
to test our dinner by such speculations it would become whim- 
sical, and lose that dignity which princes at least would be 
supposed to give to their feasts. You will note, however, as 


our dinner goes on it becomes bizarre and odd, and runs away 
with all well-ordered notions of what even a daimio's dinner 
should be. The soups disappear. You see we have only had 
seven distinct soups served at intervals, and so cunningly pre- 
pared that you are convinced that in the ancient days of Japan- 
ese splendor soup had a dignity which it has lost. One of the 
mournful attributes of our modern civilization is the position 
into which soup is fallen. It used to be the mainstay of a feast, 
the salvation of bad dinners, something always to be depended 
upon when all went to the bad. Now the soup has been aban- 
doned to the United States, where we have the gumbo and the 
oyster, the clam and the terrapin, to justify the proud pre- 
eminence of America. I am afraid, however, from what I see 
of bills of fare at home at the great feasts, that the clam and 
the oyster are in abeyance ; that the soups of America, our 
country's boast, and the birthright of every patriot — that the 
soups which bring you memories of New England beaches, and 
the surf that tumbles along the shores of the modest Chesa- 
peake, and the sandy reaches of New Jersey, are following the 
fate of these soups of Japan, which you only see at these solemn 
daimio feasts, which are as much out of keeping with even the 
feasts of to-day as the manners and costumes of Martha Wash- 
ington's drawing-room in a Newport drawing-room. With the 
departure of the soups our dinner becomes fantastic. Perhaps 
the old daimios knew that by the time their guests had eaten 
of seven soups, and twenty courses in addition, and drank of 
innumerable dishes of rice liquor, they were in a condition to 
require a daring flight of genius. 

The music is in full flow, and the lights of the town grow 
brighter with the shades of darkening night, and some of the 
company have long since taken refuge from the dinner in cigars, 
and over the low brick wall and in the recesses of the temple 
grounds crowds begin to cluster and form ; and below, at the 
foot of the steps, the crowd grows larger and larger, and you 
hear the buzz of the throng and the clinking of the lanterns of 
the chair-bearers — for the whole town was in festive mood — and 
high up in our open temple on our hill-side we have become a 

500 JAPAN. 

show for the town. Well, that is only a small return for the 
measureless hospitality we have enjoyed, and if we can gratify 
an innocent curiosity, let us think of so much pleasure given in 
our way through the world. It is such a relief to know that 
we have passed beyond any comprehension of our dinner, which 
we look at as so many conceptions and preparations — curious 
contrivances, which we study out as though they were riddles 
or problems adjusted for our entertainment. The dining quality 
vanished with that eccentric soup of bassfish and orange flow- 
ers. With the General it went much earlier. It must be said 
that for the General the table has few charms, and long before 
we began upon the skylarks and buckwheat degraded by the 
egg-plant, he for whom this feast is given had taken refuge in 
a cigar, and contented himself with looking upon the beauty 
of the town and bay and cliff, allowing the dinner to flow 
along. You will observe, if you have followed the narrative 
of our feast, that meat plays a small and fish a large part 
in a daimio's dinner — fish and the products of the forest 
and field. The red snapper has the place of honor, and 
although we have had the snapper in five different shapes, 
as a soup, as a ragout, flavored with cabbage, broiled with 
pickled beans, and hashed, here he comes again, baked, deco- 
rated with ribbons, with every scale in place, folded in a bam- 
boo basket. Certainly we cannot be expected to eat any 
more of the snapper, and I fancy that in the ancient feasts the 
daimio intended that after his guests had partaken freely they 
could take a part of the luxury home and have a .subsequent 
entertainment. Perhaps there were poor folk in those days 
who had place at the tables of the great, and were glad enough 
to have a fish or a dish of sweetmeats to carry home. This 
theory was confirmed by the fact that when we reached our 
quarters that night we found that the snapper in a basket with 
various other dishes had been brought after us and placed in 
our chambers. 

Here are fried snappers — snappers again, this time fried 
with shrimps, eggs, egg-plants and mashed turnips. Then we 
have dishes, five in number, under the generic name of "shima- 



dai." I suppose shimadai means the crowning glory, the con- 
summation of the feast. In these dishes the genius of the artist 
takes his most daring flight. The first achievement is a com- 
position of mashed fish, panyu, bolone, jelly and chestnut, dec- 
orated with scenery of Fusiyama. A moment since I called 
your attention to the moral lessons conveyed at a certain stage 
of our dinner, where the folly of ambition was taught by a carp 
trying to fly up a stream. Here the sentiment of art is grati- 
fied. Your dinner becomes a panorama, and when you have 


gazed upon the scenery of Fusiyama until you are satisfied, the 
picture changes. Here we have a picture and a legend. This 
picture is of the old couple of Takasago — a Japanese domestic 
legend, that enters into all plays and feasts. The old couple 
of Takasago always bring contentment, peace, and a happy old 
age. They are household fairies, and are invoked just as we 
invoke Santa Claus in holiday times. Somehow the Japanese 
have improved upon our legend ; for instead of giving us a 
frosty, red-faced Santa Claus, riding along the snow-banked 
house-tops, showering his treasures upon the just and the un- 

502 JAPAN. 

just — a foolish, incoherent old fellow, about whose antecedents 
we are misinformed, of whose manner of living we have no 
information, and who would, if he ever came into the hands of 
the police, find it difficult to explain the possession of so many 
articles — we have a poem that teaches the peace that comes 
with virtue, the sacredness of marriage, and the beauty of that 
life which so soon comes to an end. Burns gives you the whole 
story in "John Anderson, my Jo," but what we have in a song 
the Japanese have in a legend. So at our daimio feasts the 
legend comes, and all the lessons of a perfect life of content and 
virtue are brought before you. The old couple are represented 
under trees of palm, bamboo, and plum. Snow has fallen upon 
the trees. Around this legend there is a dish composed of 
shrimp, fish, potato, water potatoes, eggs, and seaweed. The 
next dish of the shimadai family is decorated with pine trees 
and cranes, and composed of varieties of fish. There is another 
decorated with plum trees, bamboo, and tortoise, also of fish, 
and another, more curious than all, decorated with peony flow- 
ers and what is called the shakio, but what looked like a doll 
with long red hair. This final species of the shimadai family 
was composed of mashed fish — a Japanese fish named kisu, 
shrimps, potatoes, rabbits, gold fish and ginger. After the 
shimadai we had a series called sashimi. This was composed 
of four dishes, and would have been the crowning glory of the 
feast if we had not failed in courage. But one of the features 
of the sashimi was that live fish should be brought in, sliced 
while alive, and served. We were not brave enough for that, 
and so we contented ourselves with looking at the fish leaping 
about in their decorated basins and seeing them carried away, 
no doubt to be sliced for less sentimental feeders behind the 
screens. As a final course we had pears prepared with horse- 
radish, a cake of wheat flour and powdered ice. The dinner 
came to an end after a struggle of six or seven hours, and as 
we drove home through the illuminated town, brilliant with 
lanterns and fireworks and arches and bonfires, it was felt that 
we had been honored by an entertainment such as we may never 
again expect to see. 


Our days in Nagasaki were pleasant, but few. We saw 
all the institutions of the town, the courts of law, the schools, 
the dock-yard — and every hour of our stay was marked by 
considerate and gracious hospitality. We passed six nights 
in Nagasaki, and every night there was an illumination with 
bonfires on the hills and fireworks, the people vieing with the 
government in doing honor to the General. All day long the 
crowds never wearied at hangin^r around the eates of the 
Normal School Building in which General Grant lived, watch- 
ing for him. Our final hours were spent at an entertainment 
at the house of Mr. Mangum, the consul. The General re- 
embarked on the " Richmond " in a heavy rain, on the after- 
noon of the 26th of June. We at once went out to sea, the 
"Ashuelot," and the Japanese man-of-war keeping us com- 
pany. Prince Dati remained on board his own vessel, while 
Mr. Yoshida and General Bingham accompanied General 
Grant to the " Richmond." In the evening, as we sailed out 
of Nagasaki harbor, the rain was falling and gloomy clouds 
darkened the sky. In the morning the sun was out, the green 
hills smiled upon us, and around us was the beauty of the 
Inland Sea of Japan. There for five days we sailed over a 
sea famous for its beauty and its romance, away from the 
world of telegraphs and journalism, on every side of us pic- 
tures of an ancient and picturesque civilization ; passing from 
sea to sea, not as liurried merchantmen, with mails to carry 
and goods to sell, but cruising on a man-of-war, going easily 
and stopping as they list. There is very little that I can tell 
of a journey like this, except to lament that we could not catch 
up and carry away some of the glory with which nature sur- 
rounded us. 

During the day we spent our time on deck. There were 
attempts at reading and writing, episodes of talk, and no end 
of smoke. One day seemed to repeat itself, like yesterday, 
for instance, the last day of June. As the sun went down, the 
sea, which had been a blue whispering ripple all day long, be- 
came as smooth as glass. The "Ashuelot" had been tugging 
on in our rear, near enouofh for us to distinguish our friends on 



the deck. Signals had been exchanging, signals necessary to 
the management of the ships, signals of courteous inquiry 
between Mrs. Grant and the ladies on board. All day long 
we had passed a succession of hills, valleys, islands covered 
with green, island rocks standing like sentinels over the chan- 
nels of trade. In the formation of the hills you observe the 

preponderance of 
the conglomerate 
rock. Sometimes 
a rasfsred, cowl- 
like rock leaped 
up from among its 
comelier n e i gh- 
bors ; and the jag- 
o-ed sides rave in- 
timation of the 
immemorial ages 
when volcanic 
fires covered the 
land. E\en na- 
ture, which with 
loving considerate 
hand has covered 
the rocks with ver- 
dure, and bidden 
the valleys to 
smile, and called 
forth flowers and 
grass and budding 
forest trees — even 
nature has not 
been able to extinguish the tokens of the fiery ages. Some- 
times even the Inland Sea becomes restive and unruly, and 
heavy waves surge against these shores, but our trip is espe- 
cially favored. All day we have only the suspicion of a breeze, 
just enough to corrugate the waters. As the evening falls, we 
come within a mile of a village. Rumors that cholera prevails 



along the coast prevent our landing. So all that we can do 
is to study the village through our glasses — the temple on the 
side of the hill, the mass of tiled cottages, the fishing boats 
which come out toward us laden with curious villaeers, not to 
barter, but only to go around and around us and see. Civiliza- 
tion has not penetrated these inland seas. All the people 
know of the outside world whose power is in ships, are the 
steamships carrying mails and merchandise that occasionally 
pass without pausing. We are on a man-of-war not con- 
cerned with commerce or the cares of trade, drifting along, 
taking the course that pleases us, shooting into one bay and 
another, seeking only the beauty of nature, and how to get on 
not in too great a hurry. We can visit spots where foreign ships 
never go. We had counted a great deal upon these opportu- 
nities, but the rumor of cholera met us at Nagasaki, and our 
Japanese friends who have us in charge as the representative 
of the Mikado forbid us to land. This prohibition extends to 
all the ships, and all communication with the shore, and is a 
disappointment, because we had counted on our opportunities 
of visiting out of the way places. After all, the life you see in 
Nagasaki in a great measure mirrors the life you bring. But 
the prohibition is so severe that the boats from the shore are 
warned to keep at a distance from the ship, and Mr. Yoshida 
proposes the dissemination of carbolic acid over the ship as a 

In the evening General Grant gave a dinner party, one of a 
series of dinners in which the General meant to include all the 
officers of the two ships of war, from, the captains down to the 
cadet midshipman. It is the General's only way of returning 
the eentle and considerate kindness he has received from all 
the naval officers of whatever grade. The dinner was served 
in the main cabin, General Grant presiding, with Captain 
Benham as vis-d-vis. Mrs. Grant sat on the right of the cap- 
tain. Judge Bingham, the American Minister to Japan, and 
Mr. Yoshida, the Japanese Minister to America were also pres- 
ent. At the close, the General, lifting his glass and without 
rising said, " I drink to the American navy, and hope that it 

506 JAPAN. 

may never meet a foe except to be victorious over it." This 
was the only sentiment, unless I add a sentiment of the most 
radical character added in an undertone by Mrs. Grant, that 
she hoped they would all soon become admirals. Mrs. Grant's 
good wish was accepted in the best spirit by all present with- 
out introducing those burning questions of rank, pay, grade, 
and seniority which would be sure to arise in the event of its 
consideration by Congress. Then we all came on deck, and 
looked out on the calm sea, and the fleecy clouds overhead that 
made a mockery of covering the stars, and the lights that 
marked the outline of the town. The Japanese vessel was 
dressed from stem to stern with a rainbow decoration of lan- 
terns, showing forth a dark red light. The spars were dressed, 
and the graceful vessel looked like some lurid phantom ship 
that had suddenly appeared on these weird, unknown seas. 
The brown night and the black hills made a fine backofround 
for the ship, giving the red lines of the illumination a deeper 
tint. Fireworks were displayed, and every few moments for 
an hour or two, we had ravishino- masses of lieht, flamine, burst- 
ing, and dying. Then from the shores came cheering — peals 
of cheering — an unusual phenomenon in these sober Eastern 
lands, where the emotions are always suppressed. This cheer- 
ing, far away and faint, was so homelike, and so unusual that 
it came upon us like a sound from home. Then our friends 
of the " Ashuelot " burned lifrhts that changed from red to 
green and purple and other tints in an almost miraculous man- 
ner, and although a poor display compared with the Japanese, 
added another beauty to the night and brought renewed cheers 
from the shore. The "Richmond" had no licrhts to burn, and 
no fireworks, and our contribution to the evening was the band. 
So the band was lowered into a boat, and rowed toward the 
Japanese vessel, and around it, playing the Japanese air in 
honor of the empire, and other airs. Among them was Auld 
Lang Syne, which I venture to say was never heard to better 
advantage than as it came back to us softly borne by the even- 
ing winds over the sea of Japan. Music is a good deal like 
prayer and meditation and the sacred offices. We must be 



in the proper frame of mind to invoke it. And so we sat until 
the attentive bells told us that midnight was coming, and not 
without regret we left the revelation of beauty which the nio-ht 
had brought. 

These were our evening amusements as we sailed on the 
sea of Japan. We only sail by day, and at night anchor. By 
day we sit on the deck and look at the scenery. For hours 
and hours we look at the unchanging beauty. Sometimes we 
come near to the shore, so near that we can almost throw a 

stone to the beach. We 
note clusters of houses 
that in America would be respectable villages, dotted about 
over the landscape in the radius of two or three hundred acres. 
One is accustomed to see wide spaces for cultivation around 
villages. But in Japan you see a half dozen villages all apart, 
distinct, evidently separate communes, and then comes a long 
reach of country with only groves and verdure. Children come 
running down to the shores, and give us a wondering welcome. 
We come to a bluff, ascended by stone steps to a terrace where 

508 I JAPAN. 

there is a stone house, its white walls shining in the sun. From 
the terrace floats the flag of Japan, and we know that a guard 
of some kind keeps watch over the empire. The hills, which 
have been green and radiant, begin to look bare and show 
whitish brown blotches that tell of barrenness, and finally sink 
away in a succession of decreasing foot hills, and are lost in the 
sea. The land suddenly breaks away, and the land we have 
been skirting so closely proves to be a promontory, and we 
have to look for a moment steadily through the glasses before 
we can determine whether the line that bounds the horizon is 
a line of clouds or the land. Both shores break away, and 
we are in the middle of a sea many miles wide, the white 
sails of inland coasting vessels dotting the horizon. Fleets of 
boats — stumpy, clumsy boats — with sharp, angular prows, in 
groups of two or three, are in the service of fishermen search- 
ing the sea for food. These boats are all propelled by a long 
and supple bamboo pole swinging at the stern. The boatmen, 
in scanty blue raiment, with wide overlapping hats as large as 
the head of a flour-barrel, propel the boat by wobbling the pole 
from side to side. One cannot help thinking, as he sees this 
primitive method of seamanship, that there is little use of 
science or improved machinery at sea, and that Providence is 
the best sailor after all. I question if the most skillful seaman 
that ever left the Naval Academy could do as well with these 
lumbering crafts as the unlearned boatmen who have lived on 
these waters as their fathers have done for centuries. The cur- 
rents are capricious and strong, and the officers on the bridge 
keep a keen lookout, and orders are constantly passing to the 
man at the wheel. Sometimes an uncouth, unwieldy junk, 
yielding to curiosity, comes sidling up so close to our prow as 
to cause a little anxiety. Then the orders are quick and sharp, 
and we rush to the side to see what the fate of the junk will be, 
and in a few moments our anxiety passes, as we almost graze 
the junk and go on our way. At the entrance of the sea there 
are two forts, one on either shore. One is an old fort, without 
guns, covered with grass ; the other, a new one, with white, 
well -cemented walls. Beautiful as the sea is to idle voyagers 

HIOGO. 509 

on a calm, sunny, summer Sabbath afternoon, there is treachery 
in these currents, and rocks are hidden, and we are shown the 
red outlines of a buoy where an English steamer struck a rock 
and went down. But the sea has many such admonitions. 
Science and skill and the most perfect discipline fail you in the 
presence of these ambuscades, of the sudden winds, of the seas 
and currents. Nor does habit deaden experience. The best 
sailors I have known, the men who have the most experience, 
are always on their guard. No one can tell what an hour may 
bring forth, and the Eastern seas especially are noted for 
the ruin they have caused. All goes well with us, however, 
and the grim stories of disaster which mark the mariner's 
career only add a zest to our voyage through the sea of 

The cloud which hangs over our trip thus far is the cholera. 
Mr. Yoshida has been telegraphing along the coast to know of 
the progress of this sinister disease. While at anchor we have 
a dispatch from Hiogo announcing that there had been a large 
number of deaths since the beginning of the month, that many 
were dying in the neighboring city of Osaka — the Venice of 
Japan, as it is called — and that landing was impossible. I am 
afraid if our Japanese friends had not been peremptory and 
anxious on the cholera question, that our party would have 
landed. The naval people were disposed to treat the question 
lightly, one of our ward-room friends remarking that he had 
had the yellow fever twice, and would not object to a little 
cholera by way of change. But we were the guests of Japan, 
we were under the charge of the Emperor's representatives, 
and they were persistent on the point of our not landing. 

We arrived at Hiogo about five o'clock in the afternoon. All 
the day we had been slowly steaming over a summer sea, the 
three vessels in company, our Japanese escort leading, and be- 
hind, near enough for us to distinguish our friends on the quar- 
ter deck through a telescope, was the " Ashuelot." We came 
to anchor about two miles from shore — nearer would have been 
dano-erous. It was rather a satire on the fears of our friends, 
that no quarantine existed, that the port was full of shipping, 



and that mails came to us from the mail-boat at anchor, which 
was going ahead to Yokohama. The Consul- General, Stahel, 
came out to pay his respects to General Grant. He confirmed 
the reports about the epidemic, which might be cholera or 

might not, but was 
certainly of the chol- 
era family, coming 
rapidly and doing its 
will in a short time. 
None of the foreig-n 
settlement had suf- 
fered, and the au- 
thorities were doing 
what they could to 
stay the disease with 
carbolic acid and 
other disinfectants. 
The governor also 
came on board, a 
courteous Japanese 
official in blazing 
uniform resembling 
the court dress of 
an English official at 
a queen's drawing- 
room. He express- 
ed his regret that 
he could not enter- 
tain us, but hoped 
that we might come 
again, overland from 
Tokio, as there was a palace prepared for our reception. Cap- 
tain Benham issued an order forbidding any communication 
with the shore, so we swung at anchor watching the town and 
the glorious scenery which surrounded it. There could not be 
a more attractive site for a town. All along the shore the 
hills rise and break and fall, reaching their hicrhest altitude at 



Hiogo. From base to summit they were covered with green. 
Instead of stately slopes and rugged rocks, tlie sides of the 
hills seemed to ripple and dimple, curving and bending into 
the oddest fancies until they broke against the sky. Above 
the summits was another summit of white clouds, the white- 
ness of an incandescent heat, which we took for snow until 
we knew that we had not come to the snow-tops. The hills 
slope toward the shore, and on the slope Hiogo is built. We 
studied it through our glasses and picked out the European 
bits and traced the concession. 

General Grant tried to make our quarantine as pleasant as 
possible by giving a dinner to Prince Dati and the members of 
the Japanese deputation, Judge Bingham, Mr. and Mrs. Denny, 
Captain Johnson of the " Ashuelot," and a number of the officers 
of the "Richmond." After dinner, while we were gathered on 
deck, a steam launch came from the shore having a committee. 
Under the orders of the captain they were not allowed on 
board, and so the leader delivered an address in Japanese, at a 
high pitch of voice, in which he expressed the regret of the 
people that the General could not land, and hoped he would 
return again. The General listened to the address, leaning 
against the taffrail of the poop-deck. Mr. Yoshida translated 
it, as well as the response of the General, which was to the 
effect that he appreciated the kindness of the people in their 
desire to do him honor, and regretted the cause which prevented 
his landing. Then the committee in the launch went back. 
Although the General could not land, the town had made 
preparations to celebrate his coming. All the vessels in the 
harbor were dressed, and as the sun went down, the lights of 
rockets and lanterns began to appear. Some of these decora- 
tions were very fine, and when darkness came, the town seemed 
to be a glowing mass of fire. The general effect of the lan- 
terns and the fireworks which arose in the air, and broke into 
a spray of colored flame, outdazzling in brilliancy the lustre of 
the constellations, the brown rolling hills, the shadows upon 
the water, the ships burning signals, and the music of our band, 
all combined to make Hiogo quite a fairy picture. The sea 

512 JAPAN. 

was smooth with scarcely a murmur, and for two or three hours 
the display continued. 

So passed another of our midsummer nights on the sea of 
Japan. From what we heard and saw of Hiogo it was a great 
disappointment not to be able to visit the town. General 
Stahel told us of all that had been done by the people, and 
especially by the foreign residents, who are few in number, but 
had united in a hearty desire to make our visit as pleasant and 
instructive as possible. This desire of all classes of foreign 
nationalities, wherever we have met them in Asiatic settlements, 
to do honor to General Grant, and through him to America, is 
one of the most pleasant experiences of the trip. Those who 
dream about the federation of man which Mr. Tennyson sings, 
or the commonwealth of nations which M. Hugo invokes, will 
see in the sympathy and good feeling which pervades the 
citizens of all nations on the coasts of Asia a harbinger of the 
o-Qod time. Pleasant also to those who believe in the Eastern 
nations, and labor for the opening of the Chinese and Japanese 
ports to our commerce and our civilization, is the eagerness 
with which Chinese and Japanese vie with the Europeans in 
their desire to do honor to an ex-President of the United 
States. That is the contribution which General Grant's jour- 
ney around the world makes to the politics of the East. How- 
ever the General may desire to make this journey personal, 
however much he may shrink from the honors, the ceremony, 
the pageantry, however earnestly he may waive any claim to 
other consideration than that which a private gentleman should 
receive in his journeys, the authorities insist upon regarding 
the visit as official, as the coming of a ruler, as an embassy of 
the highest rank. China invoked his good offices as mediator 
between Japan and herself in the Loochoo question. Japan 
is anxious for his good offices to secure the revision of the 
treaties which cripple her revenues in the interest of British 
trade. General Grant, while never giving indication of any 
power to affect one way or the other these important questions, 
appreciates the honor paid him, and has used his influence to 
impress upon the statesmen and rulers of these people the fact 



that their true interest Hes in the fullest and freest intercourse 
with the younger nations; that they have nothing to fear from 
European civilization ; that the good things we have given to 
the world are good for Japanese and Chinamen, as well as for 
Britons and Americans; that international law will secure them 
as many rights as other nations enjoy ; that they will not always 
appeal in vain to the sympathy and justice of the aggressive 
war-making powers ; and that profitable development will only 


come when their own people are educated so as to appreciate 
and extend the lessons of Western civilization. 

Whatever may be the effect of this advice, it is worthy 
of note that the General has lost no opportunity of giving it. 
He has given it to men who have gone out of their way to do 
him honor, and to ask his advice and aid. I allude to the fact 
because it would be a mistake to suppose that we are merely 
an idle party, sailing over summer seas, our days given to the 
wonderful scenery with which the All-beneficent Hand has 
decked these shores, our nights to the universe, the constella- 
voL. II.— 33 

514 JAPAN. 

tions, the serene whispering sea, music and fireworks, tallv and 
song. If I have dwelt in these writings upon the lighter and 
brighter aspects of our journey, it is because I am glad to es- 
cape from serious themes, from politics and statesmanship, and 
gather up in a feeble, wandering way the impressions of nature. 
You sit on the deck, as I am sitting now, a steel breech-loading 
three-inch rifle gun for a table. The movement of the boat 
makes writing difficult, for the hand trembles, and the pen 
bobs over the paper as though I were tattooing, not writing. 
The General sits on the rear of the deck with Mr. Bingham and 
Mr. Yoshida, the Japanese minister, with a map unrolled, mark- 
ing out our course and noting the prominent points of the 
scenery. Captain Benham is on the bridge, Mr. Sperry bends 
over the charts, Lieut. -Commander Clarke walks slowly up 
and down, waiting for the moment when, taking the trumpet 
from Mr. Stevens, the officer of the watch, he will bring the 
ship to anchor. " Three bells ! " It is half-past one, and we 
are slowly moving into the bay of Sumida, where we are to 
anchor. A trim orderly comes tripping up the steps with the 
captain's compliments and the news that Fusiyama is in sight. 
Fusiyama is one of the glories of the mountain world, with its 
lofty peak, wrapped in eternal snow, over fourteen thousand 
feet high, occasionally sending out fire and smoke, making the 
earth tremble, and admonishing men of the awful and terrible 
glory embosomed in its rocky sides. We all go to the taffrail, 
and although clouds are clustered in the heavens, in time we 
trace the outlines of the mountain towering far into the inac- 
cessible skies. Its beauty and its grandeur are veiled, and we 
dwell upon the green, dimpled hills, and the rolling plains. 
The sea becomes a lighter blue. Our Japanese convoy stops. 
A signal is made to the " Ashuelot " to slacken speed. Mrs. 
Grant, leaning on the arm of one of the officers, saunters up and 
down the deck enjoying the blended beauty of hill and sea. 
The loud word of command echoes along the deck. Sailors 
busde about and make the boats ready for lowering. " Stand 
by the port-anchor!" and tjie boatswain's whistle answers the 
command. The bell rings admonition to go slowly, to back, 


to stand still. "Let go the port-anchor ! " The chain rum- 
bles over the side. The anchor plunges into the sea, and the 
noble vessel slowly swings around in a hissing sea, under the 
shadow of the mountain. 

I thought of Naples as we swung at anchor in Sumida Bay, 
Naples perhaps coming to my mind because of Fusiyama, the 
famous volcano — one of the mountain beauties of the globe, 
which hid herself in the clouds, and only looked at us now 
and then through the coy and sheltering mist. Fusiyama is a 
noble mountain, and although thirty miles away, looked as near 
as Vesuvius from Naples. Then I thought of Longfellow's 
dream-picture of Japan, in which he draws an outline of Fusi- 
yama, and as I was fortunate enough to find the lines in one 
of the naval officers' rooms, I quote them : 

" Cradled and rocked in Eastern seas. 
The islands of the Japanese 
Beneath me lie. O'er lake and plain 
The stork, the heron, and the crane 
Through the clear realms of azure drift ; 
And on the hill-side I can see 
The villages of Iwari, 

Whose thronged and flaming workshops lift 
Their twisted columns of smoke on high — 
Cloud-cloisters that in ruins lie. 
With sunshine streaming through each rift. 
And broken arches of blue sky. 

" All the bright flowers that fill the land. 

Ripples of waves on rock or sand. 

The snow on Fusiyama's cone, 

The midnight heaven so thickly sown 

With constellations of bright stars, 
*rhe leaves that rustle, the reeds that make 

A whisper by each stream and lake, 

The saffron dawn, the sunset red. 

Are painted on these lovely jars ; 

Again the sky-lark sings, again 

The stork, the heron, and the crane 

Float through the azure overhead. 

The counterfeit and counterpart 

Of nature reproduced in art." 



The bay of Sumida is not open to the outside world, and 
we are only here because we are the guests of the Emperor. 
Under the treaties there are specified ports open to trade, and 
in others vessels are forbidden to enter except under stress 
of weather. The Japanese would be glad to open any port in 
their kingdom, if the foreign powers would abate some of the 
hard conditions imposed upon them at the point of the bayonet. 
On this there will, one hopes, soon be an understanding honor- 

able to Japan, and useful to the commercial world. But we 
are especially privileged in being allowed to come to a closed 
port, because we see Japan untouched by the foreigner. We 
have a glimpse of the land as it must have been before the 
deluge. The coming of these men-of-war was a startling cir- 
cumstance, and the whole town, men, women, and children, 
were soon out in boats and barges and junks to see us. Cap- 
tain Benham gave orders that they should be allowed to come 
on board fifty at a time and go through the ship. It would be 
a treat, he thought, and they would remember our flag, and 


when next it came into tlieir i:)ort, remember the kindness that 
liad been shown tliem. This seemed to be a wise and benevo- 
lent diplomacy, and was in no ways abused. Old men and old 
women, mothers with children strapped on their shoulders or 
tugging at their breasts, fishermen, all classes in fact, with 
clothes and without clothes, came streaming over the side to 
look and wonder, and marvel at the trreat trlowerino- cruns. 

The governor of the province called, and invited us to visit 
him in his capital town, an old-fashioned town about six miles 
in the interior. We landed and spent a few minutes looking 
at the catch of fish made by the fishermen, and noted a species 
with fins colored like the wings of a butterfly. We visited a 
tea house and saw the tea in its various processes of curing. 
There were maidens with nimble fingers who sorted out the 
good from the bad, and earned in that labor ten cents a day. 
Mr. Bingham, Captain Benham, and several officers of the 
" Ashuelot " and " Richmond " increased our number, and when 
finally about ten in the morning we set out for a visit to Shi- 
guoka, we had quite a procession of jinrickshaws. The whole 
town was out, and every house displayed the Japanese flag. 
Schools dismissed, and the scholars formed in line, their teach- 
ers at their head, and bowed low as we passed. The roads 
were fairly good, much better than I have seen in the suburbs 
of New York, and our perambulators spun along at a good 
pace. When we left the town we passed under shady trees, 
and stretches of low rice fields, almost under water, and fields 
of tea. Policemen, dapper little in white uniforms with 
small staffs, were stationed at regular points to keep order. 
But the policeman seemed quite out of place in smiling, happy, 
amiable Japan. The people were in the best of humor, and 
rumors of our coming evidently had preceded us, for all along 
the road we found people watching and waiting to welcome 
the General with a smile and a bow. About noon we reached 
the town, and bowled along merrily over streets which had 
rarely if ever seen the foot of a European. As a pure Japanese 
town, without a tint of European civilization, it was most inter- 
esting. The streets were clean and narrow, the people in 



Japanese costumes. The houses were tidy, and the stores 
teemed with articles for sale. We saw no beggary, no misery, 
no poverty, only a bright contented people who loved the sun- 
shine. We drove on, up one street and down another, a round- 
about way, I am sure, so that we should see the town and the 

town see us, until we came to a 
park and a temple. I observe- 
in these Eastern nations, and especially in Japan, that places 
of worship and of recreation are together, so that the faithful 
may perform their devotions and have a good time. Here we 
sat and took tea. The carving on the temple was two cen- 
turies old, but looked fresh and new. The floors were covered 
with clean white matting, and the screens were decorated with 
birds of gay plumage. While the tea was served there was 
music, and after the music bonbons. Priests in white and brown 


flowing garments, active young men not apparently suffering 
from 'an ascetic life, came and bowed to the General. Day 
fireworks were set off — a curious contrivance in pyrotechny 
which makes a cloud in the sky and shoots out fans and rib- 
bons and trinkets. One of these fans took fire, and while 
burning lodged on the wood-work of the temple, and for a mo- 
ment it seemed as if we were to have an additional and unex- 
pected pageant. But the priests and policemen scrambled up 
the carved pillars and put out the fire. At the doors of the 
temple were offerings of white flowers. 

The presence of the General in the town was made the oc- 
casion for a fete-day, and the people enjoyed the fireworks and 
the music. Then we were taken to breakfast, a Japanese 
breakfast of multitudinous and curious dishes, and after break- 
fast we rode home. We passed on our way the walls sur- 
rounding the home of the dethroned Tycoon. That once- 
dreaded monarch is now a pensioner, and lives a life of seclu- 
sion and study. The drive back was picturesque and pleasant, 
in all respects most interesting as our first unruffled glimpse of 
Japan. The roads were smooth, the streams were covered with 
round stone bridges, and there were brooks with clear running 
water. We stopped at a tea-house to allow our jinrickshaw 
men to cool themselves and drink, and saw heaps of the green 
tea-leaves ready to be cured. On our return to the village we 
found the whole town waiting for us, and as we rolled down to 
the beach, the people came flying and tramping after. During 
the night we kept on in a slow, easy pace, and in the morning 
at ten we saw the hills of Yokohama, and heard the guns of 
the "Monongahela" — Admiral Patterson's flagship — thunder 
out their welcome to General Grant. 




^(p ENERAL GRANT'S landincr in Yokohama, which 
took place on the 30! of July, as a mere pageant, 
was in itself a glorious sight. Yokohama has a 
beautiful harbor, and the lines of the city can be 
traced along the green background. The day was clear and 
warm — a home July day tempered with ocean winds. There 
were men-of-war of various nations in the harbor, and as the 
exact hour of the General's coming was known, everybody was 
on the lookout. At ten o'clock our Japanese convoy passed 
ahead and entered the harbor. At half-past ten the " Rich- 
mond" steamed slowly in, followed by the " Ashuelot." As 
soon as the '' Monongahela" made out our flag, and especially 
the flag at the fore, which denoted the General's presence, her 



guns rolled out a salute. For a half hour the bay rang with 
the roar of cannon and was clouded with smoke. The " Rich- 
mond " fired a salute to the flag of Japan. The Japanese and 
the French and Russian vessels fired sjun after eun. Then 
came ofificial visits — Admiral Patterson and staff, the admirals 
and commanding ofificers of other fleets, Consul-general Van 
Buren, and ofificers of the Japanese navy, blazing in uniform. 
The officers of the " Richmond" were all in full uniform, and 
for an hour the deck of the flag-ship was a blaze of color and 
decoration. General Grant received the various disrnitaries on 
the deck as they arrived. It was arranged that General Grant's 
landing was to take place precisely at noon. The foreign resi- 
dents were anxious that the ceremony should be on what is 
called the foreign concession, but the Japanese authorities 
preferred that it should be on their own territory. At noon 
the imperial barge and the steam launch came alongside the 
" Richmond." General Grant, accompanied by Mrs. Grant, his 
son. Prince Dati, Judge Bingham, Mr. Yoshida, and the naval 
officers specially detailed to accompany him, passed over the 
side and went on the barge. As soon as General Grant entered 
the barge, the " Richmond " manned yards and fired a salute. 
In an instant, as if by magic, the Japanese, the French, and the 
Russians manned yards and fired salutes. The German ship 
hoisted the imperial standard, and the English vessel dressed 
ship. Amid the roar of cannon and the waving of flags the 
General's boat slowly moved to the shore. As he passed each 
of the saluting ships the General took off his hat and bowed, 
while the guards presented arms and the bands played the 
American national air. The scene was wonderfully grand— 
the roar of the cannon, the clouds of smoke wandering off over 
the waters; the stately, noble vessels streaming with flags; 
the yards manned with seamen ; the guards on deck ; the 
ofificers in full uniform gathered on the quarter-deck to salute 
the General as he passed ; the music and the cheers which 
came from the Japanese and the merchant ships ; the crowds 
that clustered on the wharves ; the city ; and over all a clear, 
mild, July day, with grateful breezes rufifling the sea. 



As the General's barge slowly came to the Admiralty 
wharf, there in waiting were the princes, ministers, and the 
high officials of the empire of Japan. As the General stepped 
out of the boat the Japanese band played the American national 
air, and Mr. Iwakura, Second Prime Minister, advanced and 
shook hands with him. General Grant had known Mr. Iwa- 
kura in America, when he visited our country at the head of 
the Japanese embassy. The greeting, therefore, was that of 


old friends. There were also I to, Inomoto, and Tereshima, also 
members of the Cabinet, two princes of the imperial family, 
and a retinue of officials. Mr. Yoshida presented the General 
and party to the Japanese, and a few moments were spent in 
conversation. Day fireworks were set off at the moment of 
the landing — representations of the American and Japanese 
flags entwined. That, however, is the legend that greets you 
at every door-sill — the two flags entwined. The General and 
party, accompanied by the ministers and officials and the naval 
officers, drove to the railway station. There was a special train 


in waiting, and at a quarter past one the party started for 

Our ride to Tokio was a little less than an hour, over a 
smooth road, and through a pleasant, well-cultivated, and ap- 
parently prosperous country. Our train being special made 
no stoppage ; but I observed as we passed the stations that they 
were clean and neat, and that the people had assembled to 
wave flags and bow as we whirled past. About two o'clock 
our train entered the station at Tokio. A large crowd was in 
waiting, mainly the merchants and principal citizens. As the 
General descended from the train a committee of the citizens 
advanced and asked to read an address. At the close of the 
address General Grant was led to the private carriage of the 
Emperor. Among those who greeted him was his Excellency 
J. Pope Hennessy, British Governor of Hong-Kong, who said 
that he came as a British subject, to be among those who wel- 
comed General Grant to Japan. 

The General's carriage drove slowly, surrounded by cavalry, 
through lines of infantry presenting arms, through a dense mass 
of people, under an arch of flowers and evergreens, until, amid 
the flourish of trumpets and the beating of drums, he de- 
scended at the house that had been prepared for his reception 
— the Emperor's summer palace of Enriokwan. The Japa- 
nese, with almost a French refinement of courtesy, were anxi- 
ous that General Grant should not have any special honors paid 
to him in Japan until he had seen the Emperor. They were 
also desirous that the meeting with the Emperor should take 
place on the Fourth of July. Their imaginations had been im- 
pressed with the poetry of the idea of the reception of one who 
had been the head of the American nation on the anniversary 
of American Independence. Accordingly it was arranged that 
at two o'clock on the afternoon of the P'ourth of July the au- 
dience with the Emperor should take place. The day was very 
warm, although in our palace on the sea we had whatever 
breeze might have been wandering over the Pacific. General 
Grant invited some of his naval friends to accompany him, and 
in answer to this invitation we had Rear Admiral Patterson, 

524 JAPAN. 

attended by Pay Inspector Thornton and Lieutenant Daven- 
port of his staff ; Captain Benham commanding the " Rich- 
mond ; " Captain Fitzhugh, commanding the " Monongahela ; " 
Commander Johnson, commanding the "Ashuelot;" Lieu- 
tenant Springer, and Lieutenant Kellogg. At half-past one 
Mr. Bingham, our Minister, arrived, and our party imme- 
diately drove to the palace. The home of the Emperor was 
a long distance from the home of the General. The old palace 
was destroyed by fire, and Japan has had so many things to 
do that she has not built a new one. The road to the palace 
was through the section of Tokio where the old daimios lived 
when they ruled Japan as feudal lords, and made their occa- 
sional visits to the capital. There seems to have been a good 
deal of Highland freedom in the manners of the old princes. 
Their town-houses were really fortifications. A space was in- 
closed with walls, and against these walls chambers were built 
— rude chambers, like winter quarters for an army. In these 
winter quarters lived the retainers, the swordsmen and soldiers. 
In the center of the inclosure was the home of the lord him- 
self, who lived in the midst of his people, like a general in 
camp, anxious to fight somebody, and disappointed if he re- 
turned to his home without a fight. A lord with hot-tempered 
followers, who had come from the restraints and amenities of 
home to have a good time at the capital and give the boyS a 
chance to distinguish themselves and see the world, would not 
be a welcome neighbor. And as there were a great many such 
lords, and each had his army and his town fortress, the daimio 
quarter became an important part of the capital. Some of the 
houses were more imposing than the palace — notably the house 
of the Prince of Satsuma. There was an imposing gate, elabo- 
rately buttressed and strengthened, that looked quite Gothic 
in its rude splendor. These daimio houses have been taken 
by the government for schools, for public offices, for various 
useful purposes. The daimios no longer come with armies 
and build camps and terrorize over their neighbors and rivals. 
We drove through the daimios' quarter and through the 
gates of the city. The first impression of Tokio is that it is a 



city of walls and canals. The walls are crude and solid, pro- 
tected by moats. In the days of pikemen and sword-bearers 
there could not have been a more effective defense. Even 
now it would require an effort for even a German army to 
enter through these walls. They go back many generations ; 

THE mikado's grounds. 

I do not know how many. In these lands nothing is worth 
recording that is not a thousand years old, and my impression 
is that the walls of Tokio have grown up with the growth of 
the city, the necessities of defense, and the knowledge of the 
people in attack and defense. We passed under the walls of 
an inclosure which was called the castle. Here we are told 
the Emperor will build his new palace. We crossed another 

526 J^lPAN. 

bridge- — I think there were a dozen altogether In the course of 
the drive — and came to a modest arched gateway, which did 
not look nearly as imposing as the entrance to the palace 
formerly occupied by the great Prince Satsuma. Soldiers 
were drawn up, and the band played " Hail Columbia." Our 
carriages drove on past one or two modest buildings and drew 
up in front of another modest building, on the steps of which 
the Minister Iwakura was standing. The General and party 
descended, and were cordially welcomed and escorted up a 
narrow stairway into an anteroom. When you have seen most 
of the available palaces in the world, from the glorious home 
of Aurungzebe to the depressing, mighty cloister of the Escu- 
rial, you are sure to have preconceived notions of what a 
palace should be, and to expect something unique and grand 
in the home of the long-hidden and sacred Majesty of Japan. 
The home of the Emperor was as simple as that of a country 
gentleman at home. We have many country gentlemen with 
felicitous investments in petroleum and silver who would dis- 
dain the home of a prince who claims direct descent from 
heaven, and whose line extends far beyond the Christian era. 
What marked the house was its simplicity and taste ; qualities 
for which my palace education had not prepared me. You 
look for splendor, for the grand — at least the grandiose — for 
some royal whim like the holy palace near the Escurial, which 
cost millions, or like Versailles, whose cost is among the eternal 
mysteries. Here we are in a suite of plain rooms, the ceil- 
ings of wood, the walls decorated with natural scenery — the 
furniture sufficient but not crowded — and exquisite in style 
and finish. There is no pretense of architectural emotion. 
The rooms are large, airy, with a sense of summer about them 
which grows stronger as you look out of the window and down 
the avenues of trees. We are told that the grounds are spa- 
cious and fine, even for Japan, and that his Majesty, who rarely 
goes outside of his palace grounds, takes what recreation he 
needs within the walls. 

The palace is a low building, one story in height. They 
do not build high walls in Japan, especially in Tokio, on ac- 



count of the earthquakes. We enter a room where all the 
Ministers are assembled. The Japanese Cabinet is a famous 
body, and tested by the laws of physiognomy would compare 
with that of any Cabinet I have seen. The Prime Minister is 
a striking character. He is small, slender, with an almost girl- 
like figure, delicate, clean-cut, winning features, a face that 
might be that of a boy of twenty or a man of fifty. The 
Prime Minister reminded me of Alexander H. Stephens in his 
frail, slender frame, but it bloomed with health and lacked the 


sad, pathetic lines which tell of the years of suffering which 
Stephens has endured. The other Ministers looked like strong, 
able men. Iwakura has a striking face, with lines showing 
firmness and decision, and you saw the scar which marked the 
attempt of the assassin to cut him down and slay him, as 
Okubo, the greatest of Japanese statesmen, was slain not many 
months ago. That assassination made as deep an impression 
in Japan as the killing of Lincoln did in America. We saw 
the spot where the murder was done on our way to the palace, 
and my Japanese friend who pointed it out spoke in low tones 

528 JAPAN. 

of sorrow and affection, and said the crime there committed 
had been an irreparable loss to Japan. A lord in waiting, with 
a heavily-braided uniform, comes softly in, and, making a sig- 
nal, leads the way. The General and Mrs. Grant, escorted by 
General Bingham, and followed by the remainder of our party, 
entered. The General and the Minister were in evening dress. 
The naval officers were in full uniform. Colonel Grant wearing 
the uniform of lieutenant-colonel. We walked along a short 
passage and entered another room, at the farther end of which 
were standing the Emperor and the Empress. Two ladies in 
waiting were near them, in a sitting, what appeared to be 
a crouching, attitude. Two other princesses were standing. 
These were the only occupants of the room. Our party slowly 
advanced, the Japanese making a profound obeisance, bending 
the head almost to a right angle with the body. The royal 
princes formed in line near the Emperor, along with the prin- 
cesses. The Emperor stood quite motionless, apparently un- 
observant or unconscious of the homage that was paid him. 
He is a young man, with a slender figure, taller than the aver- 
age Japanese, and of about the middle height according to our 
ideas. He has a striking face, with a mouth and lips that re- 
mind you something of the traditional mouth of the Hapsburg 
family. The forehead is full and narrow, the hair and the 
light mustache and beard intensely black. The color of the 
hair darkens what otherwise might pass for a swarthy counte- 
nance at home. The face expressed no feeling whatever, and 
but for the dark, glowing eye, which was bent full upon the 
General, you might have taken the imperial group for statues. 
The Empress, at his side, wore the Japanese costume, rich and 
plain. Her face was very white, and her form slender and 
almost childlike. Her hair was combed plainly and braided 
with a gold arrow. The Emperor and Empress have agreea- 
ble faces, the Emperor especially showing firmness and kind- 
ness. The solemn etiquette that pervaded the audience cham- 
ber was peculiar, and might appear strange to those familiar 
with the stately but cordial manners of a European court. But 
one must remember that the Emperor holds so high and so 



sacred a place in the traditions, the religion, and the political 
system of Japan that even the ceremony of to-day is so far in 
advance of anything of the kind ever known in Japan that it 
might be called a revolution. 

His Imperial Majesty, for instance, as our group was formed, 
advanced and shook hands with General Grant. This seems 

a trivial thing to write down, but such a thing was never before 
known in the history of Japanese majesty. Many of these de- 
tails may appear small, but we are in the presence of an old and 
romantic civilization, slowly giving way to the fierce, feverish 
pressure of European ideas, and you can only note the change 
in those incidents which would be unnoticed in other lands. 

VOL. II. — 34 

530 JAPAN. 

The incident of the Emperor of Japan advancing toward 
General Grant and shaking hands becomes a historic event of 
consequence, and as such I note it. The manner of the Em- 
peror was constrained, almost awkward, the manner of a man 
doing a thing for the first time, and trying to do it as well as 
possible. After he had shaken hands with the General, he re- 
turned to his place, and stood with his hand resting on his 
sword, looking on at the brilliant, embroidered, gilded com- 
pany as though unconscious of their presence. Mr. Bingham 
advanced and bowed, and received just the faintest nod in rec- 
ognition. The other members of the party were each pre- 
sented by the minister, and each one, standing about a dozen 
feet from the Emperor, stood and bowed. Then the General 
and Mrs. Grant were presented to the princesses, each party 
bowing to the other in silence. The Emperor then made a 
signal to one of the attendants, Mr, Ishibashi, who advanced. 
The Emperor spoke to him for a few moments in a low tone, 
Mr. Ishibashi standing with bowed head. When the Emperor 
had finished, Mr. Ishibashi advanced to the General, and said 
he was commanded by his Majesty to read him the following 
address : 

" Your name has been known to us for a long time, and we are highly grati- 
fied to see you. While holding the high office of President of the United 
States you extended toward our countrymen especial kindness and courtesy. 
When our ambassador, Iwakura, visited the United States, he received the 
greatest kindness from you. The kindness thus shown by you has always been 
remembered by us. In your travels around the world you have reached this 
country, and our people of all classes feel gratified and happy to receive you. 
We trust that during your sojourn in our country you may find much to enjoy. 
It gives me sincere pleasure to receive you, and we are especially gratified that 
we have been able to do so on the anniversary of American independence. We 
congratulate you, also, on the occasion. " 

This address was read in English. At its close General 
Grant said : 

" Your Majesty : I am very grateful for the welcome you accord me here 
to-day, and for the great kindness with which I have been received, ever since 
I came to Japan, by your government and your people. I recognize in this a 
feeling of friendship toward my country. _I can assure you that this feeling is 


reciprocated by the United States ; that our people, without regard to party, 
take the deepest interest in all that concerns Japan, and have the warmest 
wishes for her welfare. I am happy to be able to express that sentiment. 
America is your next neighbor, and will always give Japan sympathy and sup- 
port in her efforts to advance. I again thank your Majesty for your hospital- 
ity, and wish you a long and happy reign, and for your people prosperity and 

At the conclusion of this address, which was exte^npore, 
Mr. Ishibashi translated it to his Majesty. Then the Empress 
made a sign and said a few words. Mr. Ishibashi came to the 
side of Mrs. Grant and said the Empress had commanded him 
to translate the followinof address : 

" I congratulate you upon your safe arrival after your long journey. I pre- 
sume you have seen very many interesting places. I fear you will find many 
things uncomfortable here, because the customs of the country are so different 
from other countries. I hope you will prolong your stay in Japan, and that the 
present warm days may occasion you no inconvenience." 

Mrs. Grant, pausing a moment, said in a low, conversational 
tone of voice, with animation and feeling : 

" I thank you very much. I have visited many countries and have seen 
many beautiful places, but I have seen none so beautiful or so charming as 

All day, during the Fourth of July, visitors poured in on 
the General. The reception of so many distinguished states- 
men and ofificials reminded one of state occasions at the White 
House. Princes of the imperial family, princesses, the mem- 
bers of the cabinet and citizens and high ofificials, naval officers, 
ministers and consuls, all came ; and carriages were constantly 
coming and going. In the evening there was a party at one of 
the summer gardens, given by the American residents in honor 
df the Fourth of July. The General arrived at half-past eight, 
and was presented to the American residents by Mr. Bingham, 
the minister. At the close of the presentation, Mr. Bingham 
made a brief but singularly eloquent address. Judge Van 
Buren made a patriotic and ringing speech, after which there 
were fireworks and feasting, and, after the General and Mrs. 



Grant retired, there was dancing. It was far on toward morn- 
ing before the members of the American colony in Tokio grew 
weary of celebrating the anniversary. 

The morning of the 7th of July was set apart by the Em- 
peror for a review 
of the troops. 
Japan has made 
important ad- 
vances in the mil- 
itary art. One of 
the effects of the 
revolution which 
brought the Mi- 
kado out of his 
retirement as spir- 
itual chief of the 
nation, and pro- 
claimed him the 
absolute temporal 
sovereign, was the 
employment o f 
foreign officers to 
drill and instruct 
the troops, teach 
hem European 
actics, and o r- 
-anize an army. 
It is a question 
whether a revolu- 
tion which brings a nation out of a condition of dormant peace 
in which Japan existed for so many centuries — so far as the 
outer world is concerned — into line with the great military 
nations, is a step in the path of progress. But an army in Japan 
was necessary to support the central power, suppress the dai- 
mios' clans, whose strifes kept the land in a fever, and insure 
some degree of respect from the outside world. It is the pain- 
ful fact in this glorious nineteenth century, which has done so 



much to elevate and strengthen, and so on, that no advancement 
is sure without gunpowder. The glorious march of our civili- 
zation has been through battle smoke, and when Japan threw 
oft the repose and dream-life of centuries, and came into the 
wakeful, vigilant, active world, she saw that she must arm, just 
as China begins to see that she must arm. The military side 
of Japanese civilization does not interest me, and I went to the 
review with a feeling that I was to see an incongruous thinsf, 
something that did not belong to Japan, that was out of place 
amid so much beauty and art. The Japanese themselves think 
so, but Europe is here with a mailed hand, and Japan must 
mail her own or be crushed in the grasp. 

The Emperor of Japan is fond of his army, and was more 
anxious to show it to General Grant than any other institution 
in the Empire. Great preparations had been made to have it 
in readiness, and all Tokio was out to see the pageant. The 
review of the army by the Emperor in itself is an event that 
causes a sensation. But the review of the army by the Empe- 
ror and the General was an event which had no precedent in 
Japanese history. The hour for the review was nine, and at 
half-past eight the clatter of horsemen and the sound of bugles 
were heard in the palace grounds. In a few moments the Em- 
peror's state carriage drove up, the drivers in scarlet livery and 
the panels decorated with the imperial flower, the chrysanthe- 
mum. General Grant entered, accompanied by Prince Dati, 
the cavalry formed a hollow square, and our procession moved 
on to the field at a slow pace. A drive of twenty minutes 
brought us to the parade ground, a large open plain, the 
soldiers in line, and behind the soldiers a dense mass of people 
— men, women, and children. As the General's procession 
slowly turned into the parade ground a group of Japanese 
officers rode up and saluted, the band played " Hail Colum- 
bia," and the soldiers presented arms. Two tents had been 
arranged for the reception of the guests. In the larger of the 
two we found assembled officers of state, representatives of 
foreign powers, and Governor Hennessy, all in bright, glow- 
ing uniforms. The smaller tent was for the Emperor. When 

534 7-"'^'^- 

the General dismounted, he was met by the Minister of War 
and escorted into the smaller tent. In a few minutes the 
trumpets gave token that the Emperor was coming, and the 
band played the Japanese national air. His Majesty was in a 
state carriage, surrounded with horsemen and accompanied by 
one of his cabinet. As the Emperor drove up to the tent. 
General Grant advanced to the carriage steps and shook hands 
with him, and they entered and remained a few minutes in 

At the close of the review, General Grant and party drove 
off the ground in state, and were taken to the Shila palace. 
This palace is near the sea, and as the grounds are beautiful 
and attractive, it was thought best that the breakfast to be 
given to General Grant by his Majesty should take place here. 
The Emperor received the General and party in a large, plainly 
furnished room, and led the way to another room where the 
table was set. The decorations of the table were sumptuous 
and royal. General Grant sat on one side of the Emperor, 
whose place was in the center. The Emperor conversed a 
great deal with General Grant through Mr. Yoshida, and also 
Governor Hennessy. His Majesty expressed a desire to have 
a private and friendly conference with the General, which it 
was arranged should take place after the General's return from 
Nikko. The feast lasted for a couple of hours, and the view 
from the table was charming. Beneath the window was a lake, 
and the banks were bordered with grass and trees. Cool winds 
came from the sea, and, although in the heart of a great capi- 
tal, we were as secluded as in a forest. 

General Grant's home in Tokio — Enriokwan — was only a 
few minutes' ride from the railway station. This palace was 
one of the homes of the Tycoon. It now belongs to the Em- 
peror. If your ideas of palaces are European, or even Ameri- 
can, you will be disappointed with Enriokwan. One somehow 
associates a palace with state, splendor, a profusion of color 
and decoration, with upholstery and marble. There is nothing 
of this in Enriokwan. You approach the grounds over a dusty 
road that runs by the side cf a canal. You cross a bridge 



and enter a low gateway, and going a few paces enter another 
gateway. Here is a guard-liouse, with soldiers on guard and 
lolling about on benches waiting for the bugle to summon 
them to offices of ceremony. There is a good deal of cere- 
mony in Enriokwan, with the constant coming and going of 
great people, and no sound is more familiar than the sound 
of the bugle. You pass the guard-house and go down a peb- 
bled way to a low, one-story building, with wings. This is the 

palace of Enriokwan. Over the door is the chrysanthemum. 
Enriokwan is an island. On one side is a canal and em- 
banked walls, on the other side the ocean. Although in an 
ancient and populous city, surrounded by a busy metropolis, 
you feel as you pass into Enriokwan that you are as secure 
and as secluded as in a fortress. The grounds are large, and 
remarkable for the beauty and finish of the landscape garden- 
ing. In the art of gardening Japan excels the world, and 
I have seen no more attractive specimen than the grounds 
of Enriokwan. Roads, flower-beds, lakes, bridges, artificial 

536 , JAPAN. 

mounds, creeks overhung with sedgy overgrowths, lawns, boats, 
bowers over which vines are traiHng, summer-houses, all com- 
bine to give comfort to Enriokwan. If you sit on this ve- 
randa, under the columns where the General sits every evening, 
you look out upon a ripe and perfect landscape dowered with 
green. If you walk into the grounds a few minutes, you pass 
a gate — an inner gate, which is locked at night — and come to 
a lake, on the banks of which is a Japanese summer-house. 
The lake is artificial and fed from the sea. You cross a bridge 
and come to another summer-house. Here are two boats tied 
up, with the imperial chrysanthemum emblazoned on their bows. 
These are the private boats of the Emperor, and if you care 
for a pull you can row across and lose yourself in one of the 
creeks. You ascend a grassy mound, however, not more than 
forty feet high. Steps are cut in the side of the mound, and 
when you reach the summit you see beneath you the waves 
and before you the ocean. The sea at this point forms a bay. 
When the tides are down and the waves are calm you see 
fishermen wading about seeking shells and shell-fish. When 
the tides are up, the boats sail near the shore. 

What impresses you as you look at Enriokwan from the 
summit of your mound is its complete seclusion. The Ty- 
coons, when they came to rest and breathe a summer air tem- 
pered by the sea, evidently wished to be away from the world, 
and here they could lead a sheltered life. It is a place for con- 
templation and repose. You can walk about in the grounds 
until you are weary, and if you take pleasure in grasses and 
shrubbery and wonderful old trees, gnarled and bending under 
the burden of immemorial years, every step will be full of in- 
terest. You can climb your mound and commence with the 
sea — -the ships going and coming, the fishermen on the beach, 
the waves that sweep on and on. If you want to fish, you will 
find the poetry of fishing in Enriokwan, for servants float about 
you and bait your hook and guard what you catch, and you 
have no work or trouble or worms to finger, no scales to pick 
from your hands. If you care to read or write, you can find 
seclusion in one of the summer-houses. If it is evening, after 


dinner, you can come and smoke or wander around under the 
trees and look at the effect of the moonHght on the sea or the 
lake. Whatever you do, or wherever you go, you have over 
you the sense of protection. Our hosts are so kind that we 
cannot leave the palace without an escort. You stroll off with 
a naval friend from one of the ships to show the grounds, 
or hear the last gossip from the hospitable wardrooms of the 
"Ashuelot" or "Richmond." Behind you come a couple of 
servants, who seem to rise out of the ground as it were. They 
come unbidden, and carry trays bearing water and wine, or 
cigars. If you go into one of the summer-houses they stand 
on guard, and if you go on the lake they await your return. 
The sense of being always under observation was at first 
oppressive. You felt that you were giving trouble. You did 
not want to have the responsibility of dragging other people 
after you. But the custom belongs to Enriokwan, and in 
time you become used to it and unconscious of your retinues. 

You wonder at the number of servants about you — servants 
for everything. There, for instance, is a gardener working 
over a tree. The tree is one of the dwarf species that you see 
in Japan — one of the eccentricities of landscape gardening — 
and this gardener files and clips and adorns h+s tree as care- 
fully as a lapidary burnishing a gem. " There has been work 
enough done on that tree," said the General, " since I have 
been here, to raise all the food a small family would require 
during the winter." Labor, the General thinks, is too good a 
thing to be misapplied, and when the result of the labor is a 
plum-tree that you could put on your dinner-table, he is apt to 
regard it as misapplied. Here are a dozen men in blue cotton 
dress working at a lawn. I suppose in a week they would do 
as much as a handy Yankee boy could achieve in a morning 
with a lawn-mower. Your Japanese workman sits down over 
his meadow, or his flower-bed, or his bit of road, as though it 
were a web of silk that he was embroidering. Other men in 
blue are fishing. The waters of the lake come in with the 
tide, and the fish that come do not return, and much of our 
food is found here. 



The sprinkling of tlie lawns and of the roads is always a 
serious task, and employs quite an army of servants for the 
best part of the afternoon. One of the necessities of palace 
life is that you have ten times as many servants about you as 
you want, and work must be found to keep them busy. The 


summer-houses by the lake in the grounds at Enriokwan are 
worthy of study. Japan has taught the world the beauty 
of clean, fine-grained natural wood, and the fallacy of glass and 
paint. I am writing these lines in one of these houses— the 
first you meet as you come to the lake. Nothing could be 
more simple and at the same time more tasteful. It is one 
room, with grooves for a partition should you wish to make it 



two rooms. The floor is covered with a fine, closely-woven 
mat of bamboo strips. Over the mat is thrown a rug, in which 
black and brown predominate. The walls looking out to the 
lake are a series of frames that can be taken out — lattice-work 
of small squares, covered with paper. The ceiling is plain un- 
varnished wood. There are a few shelves, with vases, blue 
and white pottery, containing growing plants and flowers. 
There are two tables, and their only furniture a large box of 
gilded lacquer for stationery, and a smaller one containing 
cigars. These boxes are of exquisite workmanship, and the 
gold chrysanthemum indicates the imperial ownership. I have 
described this house in detail because it is a tj^pe of all the 
houses that I have seen in the palace grounds, not only at En- 
riokwan but elsewhere in Japan. It shows taste and economy. 
Everything about it is wholesome and clean, the workmanship 
true and minute, with no tawdry appliances to distract or of- 
fend the eye. 

The weather was such that going out during the day was a 
discomfort — warm, torrid, baking weather. During the day 
there are ceremonies, calls from Japanese and foreign officials, 
papers to read, visits to make. If the evening is free the Gen- 
eral has a dinner party — sometimes small, sometimes large. 
To-night it will be the royal princes, to-morrow the Prime 
Ministers, on other evenings other Japanese of rank and sta- 
tion. Sometimes we have Admiral Patterson or officers from 
the fleet. Sometimes Mr. Bingham and his family. Gover- 
nor Hennessy, the British Governor of Hong-Kong, has been 
a frequent visitor, and no man was more welcome to the Gen- 
eral. General Grant was the guest of the Governor during 
his residence in Hong-Kong, and formed a high opinion of his 
genius and character. Prince Dati, Mr. Yoshida, and some 
other Japanese officials live at Enriokwan and form a part of 
our family. They represent the Emperor, and remain with the 
General to serve him and make his stay as pleasant as possible. 
Nothing could be more considerate or courteous than the kind- 
ness of our Japanese friends. Sometimes we have merchants 
from the bazaars with all kinds of curious and useful things to 

540 J^i'AN. 

sell. Sometimes a fancy for curiosities takes possession of 
some of the party, and the result is an afternoon's prowl about 
the shops in Tokio, and the purchase of a sword or a spear or a 
bow and arrows. The bazaars of Tokio teem with beautiful 
works of art, and the temptation to go back laden with achieve- 
ments in porcelain and lacquer is too great to be resisted, un- 
less your will is under the control of material influences too 
sordid to be dwelt upon. Sometimes we have special and 
unique excitements, such as was vouchsafed to us a few even- 
ings since. Our party was at dinner — an informal dinner — 
with no guests except our Japanese friends and Governor 
Hennessy. While dining there was a slight thunder-storm, 
which gave some life to the baked and burning atmosphere. 
Suddenly we heard an unusual noise — a noise like the rattling 
of plates in a pantry. The lanterns vibrated, and there was a 
tremulous movement of the water and wine in our classes. I 
do not think we should have regarded it as anything else than 
an effect of the thunder-storm, but for Governor Hennessy. 
" That," he said, " is an earthquake." While he spoke the 
phenomenon was repeated, and we plainly distinguished the 
shock. So, altogether, nothing could be more quiet than our 
days in Enriokwan. We read and wrote and walked about the 
grounds, and sat up very late at night on the veranda, talk- 
ing about home, about the East, and our travels in Japan. 
Japan itself grew upon us more and more. The opportunities 
for studying the country, its policy, the aims of its rulers, its 
government, and its diplomacy, have been very great. 

In this palace there took place one of the most important 
events in the modern history of Japan — a long personal inter- 
view between General Grant and the Emperor. The circum- 
stance that an ex-President of the United States should con- 
verse with the chief of a friendly nation is not in itself an im- 
portant event. But when you consider the position of the Em- 
peror among his subjects, the traditions of his house and his 
throne, you will see the value of this meeting, and the revolu- 
tion it makes in the history of Japan. The imperial family is, 
in descent, the most ancient in the world. It goes back in 



direct line to 660 years before Christ. For more than twenty- 
five centuries this line has continued unbroken, and the present 
sovereign is the 123d of his line. The position of Mikado has 
always been unique in Japan. For centuries the emperors lived 
in seclusion at Kiyoto. The Mikado was a holy being. No 
one was allowed to look upon his face. He had no family 
name, because his dynasty being unending he needed none. 
During his life he was revered as a god. When he died he 
was translated into the celestial presence. Within ten years it 


was not proper that even his '*'"X^?i'-'.,i:^ 
sacred name should be spoken. 
That is now permitted, but even now you cannot buy a pho- 
tograph of the Mikado. 

The Emperor had sent word to General Grant that he de- 
sired to see him informally, and the General answered that 
he was entirely at the pleasure of his Majesty. Many little 
courtesies had been exchanged between the Empress and Mrs. 
Grant, and the Emperor and his ministers kept a constant watch 
over the General's comfort. The day fixed for the imperial in- 
terview was unusually warm. At half-past two in the afternoon, 
as we were sitting on the veranda, a messenger came to say that 

542 JAPAN. 

his Majesty had arrived, and was awaiting the General in the lit- 
tle summer-house on the banks of the lake, which I have de- 
scribed. The General, accompanied by Colonel Grant, Prince 
Dati, Mr. Yoshida, and the writer, left the palace and pro- 
ceeded to the summer-house. We passed under the trees and 
toward the bridge. The imperial carriage had been hauled up 
under the shade of the trees and the horses taken out. The 
guards, attendants, and cavalrymen who had accompanied the 
sovereign were all seeking the shelter of the grove. We 
crossed the bridge and entered the summer-house. Prepara- 
tions had been made for the Emperor, but they were very sim- 
ple. Porcelain flower-pots, with flowers and ferns and shrub- 
bery, were scattered about the room. One or two screens had 
been introduced. In the center of the room was a table, with 
chairs around it. Behind one of the screens was another table, 
near the window, which looked into the lake. As the General 
entered, the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Imperial 
Household advanced and welcomed him. Then, after a pause, 
we passed behind the screen and were in the presence of the 
Emperor. His Majesty was standing before the table in un- 
dress uniform, wearing only the ribbon of a Japanese order. 
General Grant advanced, and the Emperor shook hands with 
him. To the rest of the party he simply bowed. Mr. Yoshida 
acted as interpreter. The Emperor said : 

" I have heard of many of the things you have said to my ministers in ref- 
erence to Japan. You have seen the country and the people. I am anxious 
to speak with you on these subjects, and am sorry I have not had an oppor- 
tunity earlier." 

General Grant said he was entirely at the service of the 
Emperor, and was glad indeed to see him and thank his Ma- 
jesty for all the kindness he had received in Japan. He might 
say that no one outside of Japan had a higher interest in the 
country or a more sincere friendship for its people. 

A question was asked which brought up the subject now 
paramount in political discussions in Japan — the granting of an 
assembly and legislative functions to the people. 


General Grant said that this question seemed to be the only 
one about which there was much feeling- in Japan, the only one 
he had observed. It was a question to be considered with 
great care. No one could doubt that governments became 
stronger and nations more prosperous as they became repre- 
sentative of the people. This was also true of monarchies, and 
no monarchs were as strong as those who depended upon a 
parliament. No one could doubt that a legislative system 
would be an advantage to Japan, but the question of when and 
how to grant it would require careful consideration. That 
needed a clearer knowledge of the country than he had time to 
acquire. It should be remembered that rights of this kind- 
rights of suffrage and representation — once given could not be 
withdrawn. They should be given gradually. An elective 
assembly, to meet in Tokio, and discuss all questions with the 
Ministry might be an advantage. Such an assembly should 
not have legislative power at the outset. This seemed to the 
General to be the first step.